Wednesday, August 31, 2022
This Article examines the control and use of children’s DNA as an analytic exploration, asking who owns children’s DNA. In doing so, I bridge gaps between three different literatures: family law, criminal law, and property. I argue that we should conceive of DNA as property, and with respect to children, DNA as their own property. If DNA is conceptualized as the child’s property, it recognizes the importance and value of DNA, while leading to much stronger safeguards against law enforcement encroachment than current laws provide. A property interest is also why parental consent is insufficient to expose and relinquish children’s DNA to law enforcement. Providing for a property interest in children’s DNA reflects the importance of moving away from a framework of ownership to one of stewardship—in both the way we think of children’s DNA, but also the way we think of children themselves.
August 31, 2022 | Permalink
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In this commentary, we emphasize several themes: (1) the importance of recognizing the value judgments that sometimes underlie research; (2) the ways in which researchers’ focus on outcomes often clashes with a legal focus on rights; and (3) the need for researchers to acknowledge the limitations of their findings when making policy prescriptions. These themes are interrelated, because researchers are accustomed to thinking of their work as fact-based rather than value-laden, but must confront values when they argue that their research has implications for public policy, particularly when they acknowledge uncertainty.
August 31, 2022 | Permalink
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Tuesday, August 30, 2022
The idea of a legal narrative often focuses on identifying a narrative within the law, for example, the persuasive power of storytelling in a trial court motion or an appellate brief. The story emerges from the law. This Article proposes inverting that focus so that we identify the law within a narrative. Using the example of Vladimir Nabokov’s classic novel Lolita, the Article explains how we can read the novel as a prolonged sentencing memorandum. That memorandum casts the infamous first-person narrator, recounting his crimes under the pseudonym of Humbert Humbert, as a defendant writing pro se. In Lolita, the law emerges from the story, showing that an entire legal document may be redrawn as a narrative. The legal document and the narrative are one, with a distinct point of view in favor of the criminal defendant. This unity between law and narrative illuminates a deep, essential goal shared by both genres: garnering sympathy. The notion of law without sympathy thus rings hollow. Finally, this essential link between law and sympathy shines a new light on the law’s role to promote justice. Justice must be measured at least partly as an expression of sympathy rather than solely as a cold calculation of costs and benefits.
August 30, 2022 | Permalink
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When a leader orders a subordinate to commit a crime—to kill anything that moves, as at My Lai; to extract information no matter what it takes, as at Abu Ghraib; to execute prisoners of war, as at Biscari—how should the law and a society respond? Often we ignore the leader and blame the “bad apple” subordinate who failed to do the right thing. Or, when a leader is punished, domestic and international criminal law regard them in relation to their subordinate’s offense, either as an accomplice or perhaps a perpetrator; the order simply offers the pathway to rendering the superior a party to the crime. The law says nothing, however, about an entire dimension of wrongdoing that this Article highlights: The illegal order is an abuse of the authority the leader holds over their subordinates, a misuse of control over another, a betrayal of what was supposed to be a relationship of protection, an infliction of suffering on those who—even if they themselves become perpetrators legitimately subject to punishment—are also victims of their leaders’ violation of the duty to ask of them only what is right.
This Article urges a new framing of the illegal order as a wrong by the superior against the subordinate.
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August 30, 2022 | Permalink
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In a democracy, voting is not only an important civic duty but a right owed to its citizens. However, by operation of law, forty-eight states deny voting rights to individuals based on a criminal conviction. This de jure disenfranchisement has been under attack by activists and scholars as an improper collateral consequence that disproportionately impacts people of color. Although recent years have seen substantial reforms to re-enfranchise defendants, an estimated 5.17 million defendants were still ineligible to vote in 2020.
While efforts to address de jure disenfranchisement continue to be necessary, a problem that has received considerably less attention is the de facto disenfranchisement of criminal defendants, who have the legal right to vote but are prevented from exercising it.
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August 30, 2022 | Permalink
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Monday, August 29, 2022
Across the country, prosecutors are creating directives that foreclose prosecution of particular crimes. These directives can go by many names, but we will refer to them as blanket declination policies (“BDPs”). BDPs are a primary reason that the criminal justice reform movement continues to focus on prosecutorial elections as a means for reform. It is not difficult to understand why: in an era of historic political polarization, legislating is difficult, and BDPs offer an opportunity for reform advocates to avoid what some may consider dysfunctional legislatures. This Note argues that BDPs produce an inherently corrosive effect on the rule of law and separation of powers. This Note also proposes a means by which the judiciary can effectively monitor executive overreach, without the judiciary itself venturing beyond its circumscribed power.
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August 29, 2022 | Permalink
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The article deals with bank secrecy and the customer's right to financial privacy from a constitutional point of view. It contends that despite the great importance of the right to financial privacy, various interests may override it and justify a mandatory disclosure of information. The article proposes a formula for balancing the right with conflicting interests, and for determining situations in which the duty of disclosure should prevail.
For this purpose, the article analyses three mandatory reporting duties: In the domestic arena - the reporting duty under the anti-money laundering regime; in the international arena – the duty to report to foreign tax authorities the accounts of customers with foreign citizenship; and in the commercial arena - the reporting duty under the credit data sharing regime.
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August 29, 2022 | Permalink
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In 2002, in Atkins v. Virginia, the United States Supreme Court held that persons with intellectual disability could not be executed. The Court determined that imposing the ultimate punishment on individuals with intellectual disability was disproportionate and thus was cruel and unusual punishment barred by the Eighth Amendment. But it continues to happen. This article examines how recalcitrant state courts and legislatures, relying primarily upon a single, ill-advised sentence in the Atkins decision, have created procedural and substantive obstacles that often effectively nullify the constitutional ban and how the federal courts, often equally recalcitrant, have, for the most part, refused to intervene.
August 29, 2022 | Permalink
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Sunday, August 28, 2022
are here. The usual disclaimers apply.
Rank |
Paper |
Downloads |
1. |
University of California, Berkeley School of Law
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435 |
2. |
University of Colorado Law School
|
281 |
3. |
Pepperdine University - Rick J. Caruso School of Law
Date Posted: 06 Aug 2022 [4th last week]
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128 |
4. |
University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School
Date Posted: 01 Jul 2022 [6th last week]
|
109 |
5. |
The Heritage Foundation and The Heritage Foundation
Date Posted: 17 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
|
95 |
6. |
University of Mississippi - School of Law
Date Posted: 22 Jul 2022 [7th last week]
|
93 |
7. |
New York University School of Law and New York University School of Law
Date Posted: 19 Jul 2022 [8th last week]
|
89 |
8. |
University of Iowa - College of Law
Date Posted: 22 Jul 2022 [9th last week]
|
78 |
9. |
University of Baltimore School of Law
Date Posted: 17 Aug 2022 [10th last week]
|
77 |
10. |
University of Idaho College of Law
Date Posted: 06 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
|
72 |
August 28, 2022 | Permalink
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Saturday, August 27, 2022
are here. The usual disclaimers apply.
Rank |
Paper |
Downloads |
1. |
University of California, Berkeley School of Law
|
435 |
2. |
University of Virginia School of Law and affiliation not provided to SSRN
|
337 |
3. |
Cornell Law School
Date Posted: 20 Jul 2022 [4th last week]
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126 |
4. |
Northern Illinois University - College of Law
Date Posted: 06 Aug 2022 [5th last week]
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123 |
5. |
The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law
Date Posted: 06 May 2022 [7th last week]
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90 |
6. |
University of Toronto - Faculty of Law
Date Posted: 01 Jul 2022 [10th last week]
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70 |
7. |
New York Law School, Niagara University and Niagara University
Date Posted: 01 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
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62 |
8. |
University of Windsor - Faculty of Law
Date Posted: 06 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
|
51 |
9. |
Cordell Institute for Policy in Medicine & Law and Washington University School of Law
Date Posted: 23 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
|
43 |
10. |
University of Miami - School of Law
Date Posted: 20 Aug 2022 [new to top ten]
|
43 |
August 27, 2022 | Permalink
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Friday, August 26, 2022
Scholars have long debated whether criminal penalties should be based on what defendants deserve (as retributivists argue) or on the practical benefits that sanctions may achieve (as utilitarians believe). In practice, most states take a pluralistic approach: they treat both desert and utility as important to punishment, with desert operating, at least on paper, as a limiting principle.
Can desert, however, actually limit punishment? Critics answer no. They claim that desert is an indefinite and malleable notion, easily invoked to mask discrimination and rationalize draconian sanctions. Laws in America often emphasize desert, they observe, while feeding mass incarceration.
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August 26, 2022 | Permalink
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Critics of the criminal justice system have repeatedly charged it with systemic racism. A companion Article to this one, which will be published in the same Volume, considers and rejects that claim in the context of the criminal justice system in general. The claim reaches its apogee, however, in the specific context of the “War on Drugs.” This Article builds on the first and considers whether the country's approach to drug crime is systemically racist. It also considers whether the solutions proffered by proponents of the theory of systemic racism would cure the problems they identify. The answer to both questions is no. No matter how systemic racism is defined, the War on Drugs does not fit the definition. Additionally, many of the proffered solutions would, in fact, harm the very people they aim to help. Ultimately, the claim that the War on Drugs is systemically racist is unjustified and should be rejected.
August 26, 2022 | Permalink
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Thursday, August 25, 2022
Recent events demonstrate the compelling need to amend the Constitution to guarantee the independence of the office of the U.S. Attorney General. I personally have confidence in the integrity of Attorney General Merrick Garland. But regardless of what anyone thinks of him, it is deeply troubling to contemplate the storm of political controversy and attacks upon him, the Department of Justice, and the FBI (part of that department and under his supervision), following his approval of a search of former President Trump's private residence.
It is now clear that millions of Americans, on both sides of our widening and increasingly dangerous political divide, will never have confidence in any Attorney General who is a political appointee subject to dismissal by, and perceived as beholden to, any incumbent president.
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August 25, 2022 | Permalink
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Close to fifty years after President Richard Nixon’s 1971 declaration of a War on Drugs, America is attempting to remedy the aftermath. Today, the War is generally considered a failure. Despite all the arrests and prosecutions, the War has been unsuccessful in accomplishing its two touted objectives: eliminating drug trafficking and eliminating drug addiction in the United States. America paid dearly; it was extremely expensive, disproportionately impacted communities of color, and took hundreds of thousands of prisoners. This final cost was highlighted when the “the land of the free” earned the number one spot for having the highest incarceration rate in the world.
Recognizing the substantial costs associated with wartime criminal laws and sentencing practices, a criminal justice reform is currently sweeping through legislatures across the country.
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August 25, 2022 | Permalink
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Wednesday, August 24, 2022
Pretrial detention has become normative in contemporary criminal justice, rather than the exception to a rule of release for individuals not convicted of any crime. Even the opportunity for release with a bond amount is often not in fact enjoyed for the many individuals who are unable to afford to pay. Defendants detained pending trial suffer numerous consequences in the negative impacts to their own legal cases in terms of being more likely to feel pressured to plead guilty and to receive a prison sentence. The high numbers of those detained appear to disproportionately impact minorities and has contributed to mass incarceration. As a result of these issues, the country is in the midst of a third reform movement in terms of policies to increase the rate of pretrial release without financial surety and to incorporate algorithmic risk assessment tools to isolate the few individuals who pose a high likelihood of failure if released pending trial.
This Article offers a case study of an important site engaged in pretrial reforms.
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August 24, 2022 | Permalink
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Critics of the criminal justice system have repeatedly charged it with systemic racism. It is a tenet of the “war” on the “War on Drugs,” it is a justification used by the so-called progressive prosecutors to reject the “Broken Windows” theory of law enforcement, and it is an article of faith of the “Defund the Police!” movement. Yet, few people have defined what they mean by that term. This Article examines what it could mean and tests the truth of the systemic racism claim under each possible definition. None stands up to scrutiny.
One argument is that the American citizens who run our many institutions are motivated by racial animus. But the evidence is that racial animus is no longer tolerated in society, and what is more, the criminal justice system strives to identify it when it does occur and to remedy it.
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August 24, 2022 | Permalink
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In its Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, the Supreme Court relies on a version of the reasonable person standard to assess probable cause and reasonable suspicion. In applying that standard, the Court has regularly deferred to law enforcement officers’ ostensibly superior capacities for recognizing patterns of criminal activity. On the other hand, the Court has clarified that the heightened abilities of law enforcement agents extend only to qualitative analysis; technical assessment of probability is, under this approach, beyond the ken of the police. This Article makes an extended analogy to tort law’s reasonable person standard to urge a more nuanced approach. Under a tort-inspired model, courts would require police officers to base their decisions on quantitative data when such data can provide the best evidence of whether criminal activity is afoot. Likewise, this framework would require law enforcement officers to use their putatively elevated powers not merely to ferret out crime but also to exercise restraint when their expertise should alert them to the absence of suspicious circumstances.
August 24, 2022 | Permalink
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Tuesday, August 23, 2022
Some doctors who identify as conscientious providers in post-Roe America may seek to provide abortions in violation of state laws, just as many did before Roe. A federal statute ought to protect clinician conscience in principled ways — not only for those who deny care, but also for those who deliver it. And if lawmakers won’t protect conscientious providers, then judges should. Courts can recognize a legal defense of medical disobedience that would significantly reduce the punitive sanctions that some states impose for supplying clinically reasonable services in the name of conscience. This partial defense should also waive possible collateral consequences of a felony conviction, such as license revocation and disenfranchisement. That mitigation would go a long way to repair the one-sided exemptions already entrenched across the United States.
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August 23, 2022 | Permalink
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The carceral state is entangled in the ostensibly non-criminal social and legal response to intimate partner violence (IPV). While feminists and anti-IPV advocates increasingly recognize the harmful effects of the carceral state’s involvement in addressing violence, less attention has been to civil remedies and services which are contingent upon interaction with the carceral state. At the same time, the police abolition movement has gained rhetorical momentum, but it remains focused on the traditional role of police in affirmatively regulating conduct, without adequately recognizing how people are coerced into interacting with the carceral state to access resources.
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August 23, 2022 | Permalink
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The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare the dangers of the juvenile legal system; this should make it harder to look away from the societal inequities that are exacerbated by youth incarceration. Indeed, the current moment, including the unprecedented nationwide protests in response to the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor in summer 2020, has illuminated the power of social movements working to abolish the prison industrial complex, and, as legal scholars have argued, lawyers and law professors should engage with these movements and their calls for abolition and transformative change. Yet conversations on abolition are mainly centered on adult prisons. While appreciating and supporting the call for abolishing adult prisons, the absence of youth incarceration from abolitionist movements and discourse is concerning given the violence and disparities that are reflected in youth incarceration.
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August 23, 2022 | Permalink
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