Friday, November 18, 2022
Why the Judge Was Right to Rule Against DeSantis' Stop WOKE Act
As much as I love being a professor, it can be hard. I’m not talking about the grading, keeping the attention of the TikTok generation, or helping students with the rising mental health challenges.
I mean that it’s hard to know what to say in a classroom. On the one hand, you want to make sure that students learn and understand the importance of critical thinking and disagreeing without being disagreeable.
On the other hand, you worry about whether a factual statement taken out of context or your interpretation of an issue could land you in the cross hairs of cancel culture without the benefit of any debate or discussion.
I’m not an obvious person who should be worried about this. Although I learned from some of the original proponents of critical race theory in law school, that’s not my area of expertise. I teach about ESG, corporate law, and compliance issues.
But I think about this dilemma when I talk about corporate responsibility and corporate speech on hot button issues. I especially think about it when I teach business and human rights, where there are topics that may be too controversial to teach because some issues are too close to home and for many students and faculty members, it’s difficult to see the other side. So I sometimes self censor.
My colleagues who teach in public universities in Florida had even more reason to self censor because of the Stop WOKE act, which had eight topics related to race, gender, critical race theory and other matters that the State deemed “noxious” or problematic.
Yesterday, a federal court issued a 139-page opinion calling the law “dystopian.” The court noted that Justice Sotomayor could violate the law by guest lecturing in a law school and reading from her biography where she talks about how she benefitted from affirmative action. That’s absurd.
I had the chance to give my views to the Washington Post yesterday. This law never personally affected me but as the court noted, the university is the original marketplace of ideas. I told the reporter that one of my areas of expertise, ESG, is full of the kinds of issues that the government of the State of Florida has issues with. I told him that I was glad that I worked at a private university because academic freedom makes me more comfortable to raise issues. I noted that students need the ability to play devil's advocate and speak freely because there's no way to mold the next generation of thinkers and lawmakers without free speech. I explained that you can't write the laws if you're not willing to hear more than one point of view.
I hope that we get back to the days when professors don’t self censor, whether there’s a law in place or not. Of course there are some statements that are unacceptable and should never be taught in a classroom.
But I worry that some in this generation don’t know the difference between controversial and contemptible. That goes for my friends of all ideologies.
I worry that some students are missing out on so much because our society doesn’t know how to engage in civil discourse about weighty topics. So people either rant or stay silent.
In any event, my rant is over.
Today is a day for celebration.
Congratulations to my colleagues in public universities.
Reason has won out.
https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/business_law/2022/11/why-the-judge-was-right-to-rule-against-desantis-stop-woke-act.html
Comments
Thanks for posting on this, Marcia. The law that was struck down, like similar laws and proposed legislation elsewhere, is a pernicious inhibitor of free speech in classrooms, as your post points out. Two specifics stand out for me.
1. The Florida law prohibits an instructor from ratifying factual matters that are within the list of taboo topics (including positive law represented in a statute or legal opinion that includes any of the proscribed content). This form of censorship—prohibiting the confirmation of statements of fact, including legal fact—is a shocking rebuke of the free speech on which our nation is built. Moreover, of course, adherence to the rule of law requires that students (and others) know what the law actually is.
2. The concepts and words in these statutes are broad and slippery, allowing for and affirmatively generating viewpoint censorship. For example, working off Stefan's summary of the Florida law in his comment, it can easily be noted that student and third-party perceptions as to what is "discussion" as opposed to "endorsement" can vary. The very fact that an instructor has chosen a particular educational resource that includes statements of prohibited content—even if just as food for discussion—may be seen as endorsement. (The statute also uses the words “espouses, promotes, advances, inculcates, or compels such individual to believe” in a prohibitory way with respect to the proscribed topics. These words can have varying and wide-ranging definitions.)
The result of the breadth and indefiniteness of these laws, variously drafted and positioned, is that they have a chilling effect on classroom communication and overall education on important topics—censoring dialogue that, as you suggest, can encourage the teaching, learning, and general development of civil discourse. No one gains from this type of legislation.
Posted by: joanheminway | Nov 25, 2022 12:14:30 PM
For context, according to the first 5 pages of the opinion the law sought to preclude the endorsement of the following eight concepts (though they could be discussed):
1. Members of one race, color, national origin, or sex are morally superior to members of another race, color, national origin, or sex.
2. A person, by virtue of his or her race, color, national origin, or sex is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive, whether consciously or unconsciously.
3. A person's moral character or status as either privileged or oppressed is necessarily determined by his or her race, color, national origin, or sex.
4. Members of one race, color, national origin, or sex cannot and should not attempt to treat others without respect to race, color, national origin, or sex.
5. A person, by virtue of his or her race, color, national origin, or sex bears responsibility for, or should be discriminated against or receive adverse treatment because of, actions committed in the past by other members of the same race, color, national origin, or sex.
6. A person, by virtue of his or her race, color, national origin, or sex should be discriminated against or receive adverse treatment to achieve diversity, equity, or inclusion.
7. A person, by virtue of his or her race, color, sex, or national origin, bears personal responsibility for and must feel guilt, anguish, or other forms of psychological distress because of actions, in which the person played no part, committed in the past by other members of the same race, color, national origin, or sex.
8. Such virtues as merit, excellence, hard work, fairness, neutrality, objectivity, and racial colorblindness are racist or sexist, or were created by members of a particular race, color, national origin, or sex to oppress members of another race, color, national origin, or sex.
Posted by: Stefan | Nov 19, 2022 12:15:10 PM