Wednesday, May 4, 2016
- Late last month China adopted a new Law on the Management of Domestic Activities of Overseas Nongovernmental Organizations. According to a helpful summary prepared by Mark Sidel (Wisconsin) for Foreign Policy, the law shifts oversight of foreign NGOs to the Ministry of Public Security (MPS) by requiring such groups to register, be authorized by, and report to MPS and also to "find a Chinese partner organization [vetted in advance by MPS] to take responsibility for all of the foreign entity's work in China." This shift is significant because it places all such organizations under the direct jurisdiction of China's internal security apparatus. The Law also restricts the subject matter areas and, depending on the subject matter, geographic areas in which foreign NGOs can operate. The White House promptly raised concerns about the new law, even as foreign NGOs struggled to understand how it applies to them and their activities. Additional coverage: Boston Globe/AP; NY Times; The Guardian.
- Egypt has launched criminal investigations of human rights activists and the organizations with which they are associated based on allegations that they took foreign funding to try to destabilize the country. An Egyptian court is currently considering whether to freeze the bank accounts and other assets of the targeted individuals, an action that could be followed by formal criminal charges that carry up to 25 years in prison, according to a recent NPR Morning Edition story. Additional coverage: LA Times; NY Times; The Guardian.
- Russia recently outlawed the pro-democracy National Democratic Institute under a law that has been used against it and four other organizations with links to U.S. funders, according to the NY Times. The stated reason for the ban was that the group posed "a threat to the foundations of Russia's constitutional order and national security," a charge that both the group and the U.S. State Department rejected.
Wednesday, September 23, 2015
Good morning all! I just got an alert in my mailbox that Treasury has issued final regulations on equivalency determinations - you may all recall the proposed regulations that were issued in 2012.
I'm in the process of printing out the final regs and comparing them to the proposed regs, so I'll update the post later today. Bloomberg BNA's blurb on it says that the final regulations "incorporate the thrust of" the 2012 rules. I'll try to get some links up as soon as I can find them in a non-subscription database, although I know you can get them in both Bloomberg BNA and Tax Analyst already if you have access. Citation is T.D. 9740, RIN 1545-BL23.
Update at 6:30 p.m., 9/23/2015
I've not gotten all the way through the final regs to give you all a complete summary, but I wanted to mention a few highlights from the preamble:
- It appears that the Regulations expand the definition of "qualified tax practitioner" for purposes of who can make equivalency determinations that can be relied upon in good faith.
- The Regulations appear to scale back the ability of a charity to rely on a good faith affidavit as the sole means of making an equivalency determination. Briefly, it appears that you can rely on the information in good faith, but there needs to be an additional showing that the evaluation of the data and the equivalency determination based on that data occurred in a manner that demonstrates a knowledge of US tax law. In theory, anyway, there are more qualified tax practitioners (including folks that may be in house at the foundation) to help with such a determination, so it shouldn't (in theory again) be a significant bar to international grant making.
- Some clarification on how long you can rely on written advice, which looks like (a) so long as there is no change in the law or otherwise for most things, except (b) two years for public charity determinations based on financials.
- It looks like there may be limited opportunity to share equivalency determinations, but it can't be foundation to foundation - it may be that the first foundation has to authorize the release of that information to a second foundation from its qualified tax practitioner because only there would there be reasonable reliance. So not quite the equivalency determination banking that the sector wanted, but it may be a step in that direction.
- Looks like donor advised funds can use these rules, at least for now, for purposes of compliance with Section 4966(d)(4).
Tuesday, June 2, 2015
China's draft "Foreign NGO Management Law" continues to spark criticism that it is actually an effort to silence criticism of the central government. The Wall Street Journal has run two recent articles, one of which states:
A Chinese draft law treats the entire sector of foreign nonprofits as potential enemies of the state, placing them under the management of the Ministry of Public Security. To drive home the point, the law is being readied as part of a package of legislation that also includes a national-security law and an anti-terrorism law—and it contains similar language, according to Western legal experts who have studied the texts . . . Undoubtedly, the undercover operations of a few politically motivated nonprofits in China have complicated life for the vast majority offering philanthropic assistance. Foreign nonprofits are widely viewed as a bridgehead for subversion. Intensely suspicious of any networked activity it doesn’t directly control, the government is especially wary of the grants they scatter that have allowed the domestic NGO sector to flourish. In a preamble, the draft law says its aim is to protect the “rights and interests” of foreign NGOs while “promoting exchange and cooperation.” But it piles on new layers of bureaucracy. Nonprofits will have to pay tax and hire Chinese accountants to conduct regular audits. They will have to go through approved agencies to hire staff and recruit volunteers. To enforce compliance, police will have unchallenged rights to enter offices, seize documents and inspect bank accounts.
The International Center for Not for Profit has a very use primer on Chinese NGO laws.
Wednesday, May 27, 2015
I have been thinking about the impact of yesterday's indictment of numerous FIFA officials on the various organizations' tax statuses, both here in the United States and abroad -- particularly under the tax laws of Switzerland. The FIFA matter would make for good class discussion, I think. According to a DOJ Press Release issued this morning:
A 47-count indictment was unsealed early this morning in federal court in Brooklyn, New York, charging 14 defendants with racketeering, wire fraud and money laundering conspiracies, among other offenses, in connection with the defendants’ participation in a 24-year scheme to enrich themselves through the corruption of international soccer. The guilty pleas of four individual defendants and two corporate defendants were also unsealed today.
The defendants charged in the indictment include high-ranking officials of the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the organization responsible for the regulation and promotion of soccer worldwide, as well as leading officials of other soccer governing bodies that operate under the FIFA umbrella. Jeffrey Webb and Jack Warner – the current and former presidents of CONCACAF, the continental confederation under FIFA headquartered in the United States – are among the soccer officials charged with racketeering and bribery offenses. The defendants also include U.S. and South American sports marketing executives who are alleged to have systematically paid and agreed to pay well over $150 million in bribes and kickbacks to obtain lucrative media and marketing rights to international soccer tournaments.
I did some preliminary checking and learned that FIFA is a complicated Swiss based international charitable organization comprising several other national and international nonprofit and tax exempt organizations, including the U.S. Soccer Foundation. It seems rather axiomatic that when executives -- insiders and disqualified persons, likely -- use the organization's venue selection and contracting processes to extract bribes, kickbacks, and other illicit payments from third parties, the organization is being operated for private benefit. I wonder, though, about the extent to which an umbrella organization's misdeeds can cause legal issues for one or more of its member organizations, such as the U.S. Soccer Foundation. And even if the bribes and kickbacks constitute or indicate private benefit, would the organizations subject to U.S. law be able to point to their other activities to support an argument that whatever private benefit existed was substantially outweighed by their good deeds and therefore not fatal to tax exemption? Anyway, the whole topic, along with all the exhibits and so forth available online would make for good discussion fodder in a class or seminar dealing with tax exemption in the international arena. The L.A. Times has some useful articles on the subject.
Tuesday, May 26, 2015
Accepted wisdom, lore, or legend has it that LBJ, in the dead of night when nobody was paying attention, inserted the prohibition against campaign intervention because he was running for Senatorial reelection and he wanted to shut down opposition emanating from a Texas nonprofit. If that is true, we probably should have spoken up earlier and not deemed that action a harmless imposition on civil liberties. In the age of the GWOT, I admit that I sometimes shake my head at die hard civil libertarians who object to "every little" imposition on individual liberties undertaken for our own good, according to our government. I appreciate those impositions whenever I get on a plane. The danger is that when we get used to letting the little impositions go unchallenged, we are just asking for trouble at home or elsewhere, now or some time in the future. One day we wake up and all the little rights we took for granted are gone . . . . and by then its too late to say anything. I will resist the urge to quote Martin Niemoller here.
The U.S. and the EU are up in arms, and rightly so, I'm sure, about amendments to a 2012 Russian law giving "the Kremlin" more authority to crack down on "illegal activity" by NGO's. U.S. laws are not so draconian in their punishment of political activities by NGO's but I still wonder whether we ought to deal with "the log in our own eye" while we are condemning Russia's NGO law. I am not sure the same - that they are not draconian -- can be said of U.S. laws relating to NGO's suspected of allowing the use of their assets in support of terrorism. I have not read those provision in a while but I recall being troubled by the "before the facts are established" authority Executive Order 13224 gave the government; authority, it seemed to me, to just swoop in and shut a charity down under the umbrella of fighting terrorism. Whatever process was allowed under that order and subsequent laws comes only after the fact and presumably without use of funds previously frozen. When I read about the Russian NGO law this weekend and all the resulting criticism, I wondered about our own laws. For their part, and quite predictably, the Russians are claiming that in their recently amended NGO law they are doing no more than what the U.S. and many other countries have done in their treatment of political activity and terrorist support groups masquerading as tax exempt charities.
In 2012 Russia’s parliament adopted a law that required nongovernmental organizations (NGO)s to register as "foreign agents" with the Ministry of Justice if they engage in “political activity” and receive foreign funding. The definition of “political activity” under the law is so broad and vague that it can extend to all aspects of advocacy and human rights work. Initially, the law required all respective NGOs to request the Ministry to have them registered and implied legal consequences for failure to do so. Because in Russia “foreign agent” can be interpreted only as “spy” or “traitor,” there is little doubt that the law aims to demonize and marginalize independent advocacy groups. Russia’s vibrant human rights groups resolutely boycotted the law, calling it “unjust” and “slanderous.” In early March 2013 the Russian government launched a nationwide campaign of intrusive inspections of hundreds of NGOs to identify advocacy groups the government deems " foreign agents" and force them to register as such. After the inspection wave, at least 55 groups received warnings not to violate the law and at least 20 groups received official notices of violation directly requiring them to register as “foreign agents.” Also, the prosecutor’s office and Ministry of Justice filed at least 12 administrative cases against NGOs for failure to abide by the “foreign agents” law and at least six administrative cases against NGO leaders. Additionally, the prosecutors brought civil law suits against six NGOs for failure to register under the law. Since the law entered into force, numerous rights groups challenged the prosecutor’s office and the Ministry of Justice in courts; most lost their cases. As a result, by February 2015 at least 12 groups chose to shut down rather than wear the shameful “foreign agent” label, including Association of NGOs in Defense of Voters’ Rights “Golos”, JURIX (Lawyers for Constitutional Rights and Freedoms), the Moscow School of Civic Education (Moscow), Kostroma Center for Civic Initiatives Support, Anti-Discrimination Center (ADC) Memorial, Side by Side LGBT Film Festival, Coming Out, “Freedom of Information” Foundation, the League of Women Voters and Human Rights Resource Center (Saint-Petersburg), Center for Social Policy and Gender Studies and Association “Partnership for Development” (Saratov).
According to this news report, the latest amendments provide sweeping authority to the government to respond to "undesirable" NGO's engaging in vaguely defined activities, including prison sentences:
Under the law signed by president Vladimir Putin on Saturday evening, Russian prosecutors will be able to target foreign groups whose "undesirable activities" are deemed to threaten "state security" or the "basic values of the Russian state". Such groups and their publications risk being banned in Russia, having their bank accounts blocked and violators face fines or prison terms of up to six years. People cooperating with such entities would also be hit with fines and could be banned from entering Russia, according to the text, which sailed through the two chambers of Russia's parliament. Critics have said the vague wording of the legislation, and a process that bypasses the court system, means that any group or business could be targeted.
I am not defending the Russian actions. I'm just wondering whether we have done all we should to make sure our own laws are not as reactionary.
Thursday, May 14, 2015
Ian Murray (University of Western Australia) and Fiona Martin (UNSW Australia Business School) have published The Blossoming of Public Benefit Institutions - From 'Direct' Provides to Global Networks, 40(1) Alternative Law Journal (2015). Here is the abstract:
Public benevolent institutions (‘PBIs’) form a class of not-for-profit (‘NFP’) entities that is entitled to various taxation concessions. The PBI concept was originally adopted in order to deliver selected tax benefits to a narrower group of NFPs than charities, given the wide legal meaning of ‘charitable’. As well as being eligible for income tax exemption like charities, PBIs can be deductible gift recipients (‘DGR’), which means that donors may be able to claim a tax deduction, and are entitled to fringe benefits tax (‘FBT’) exemptions, enabling more attractive employee remuneration packages. For decades, the Australian Taxation Office (‘ATO’) has insisted that PBIs must not only have purposes focused, narrowly, on the relief of poverty, sickness, destitution or helplessness, but that they must also directly provide relief to those suffering from such poverty, sickness, destitution or helplessness. The recent Full Federal Court decision of Commissioner of Taxation v Hunger Project Australia (‘Hunger Project’) clearly states that there is no such ‘direct’ requirement. The development is relevant for a range of state and federal taxes and is expected to have a large impact on federal revenue. This is due to the fact that the primary tax concessions relating to PBIs, the FBT exemption and DGR status, are currently in excess of $2 billion. The ‘cost’ of those concessions will likely increase with the broadening of the classes of entities that fall into the PBI category.
Leonel Cesarino Pessôa and Valeria Maria Trezza (both Getulio Vargas Foundation) have posted Main Problems with the Taxation of Civil Society Organizations in Brazil: Certifications and Impact on Payroll. Here is the abstract:
The objective of this paper is to identify and analyze the main problems in the taxation — regarding both taxes themselves and compliance costs of taxation — of civil society organizations in Brazil. This study is qualitative descriptive research. A multiple case study with 26 organizations was performed. The results show that the problems mainly affect organizations with lower revenue and that do not work in the areas of education, health or social care. The main problems involve the taxation of the payroll and the difficulties related to obtaining and maintaining certifications. The study concludes with suggestions for the improvement of the regulatory framework.
Karla Simon (International Center for Charity Sector Law) has written a blog post for Alliance Magazine highlighting the tensions between China's Foreign NGO Law and its most recent draft Charity Law. Here is the first paragraph:
Contradictions exist because of the Foreign NGO Law and its intersection with the more recently available draft Charity Law released by the government, which I have been invited to comment on. The Charity Law draft is extremely supportive of philanthropy, while the Foreign NGO Law is repressive towards foreign NGOs that provide funding to domestic organizations carrying out certain types of activity, such as rights advocacy. The draft Charity Law requires the government to do many things to foster charity, even going so far as to encourage schools to educate the young about the subject (this is China, after all!).
There has been a drumbeat of allegations in Canada that the Canada Revenue Agency is targeting left-leaning charities for special scrutiny with respect to their alleged political activity. The latest group to make this assertion is Sierra Club Canada Foundation, which according to a CBCNews report expected auditors to arrive at its offices this week to look for evidence of political activity exceeding the permitted 10 percent level for Canadian charities. Concerns about such audits began in 2012, when 60 political audits of charities began that allegedly disproportionately hit environmental and other left-leaning charities. In 2014 the National Post reported that more than 400 academics had demanded the end of a CRA audit focused on the left-leaning Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, and last month CBCNews reported on a Steelworkers charity protesting being subject to a similar audit (hat tip: David Herzig).
According to the various press reports, the National Revenue Minister has repeatedly denied any bias in audit selection, stating that CRA officials make such decisions independently of political appointees. As in the United States, CRA is not able to comment on specific audits because of tax law confidentiality rules. A left-leaning think tank has called for an independent probe, however, asserting that right-leaning charities with apparent political involvement appear to have escaped scrutiny (see also CBCNews report). There does not appear to be an investigative body, such as the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration in the U.S., that is well positioned to engage in such a probe, however (Canadian readers, please correct me if I am wrong on this point).
Thursday, May 7, 2015
Today's Philanthropy News Digest is reporting that as Africa "struggles to address the effects of climate change and an unprecedented youth bulge, the Rockefeller Foundation is working across multiple fronts to build the resilience of African economies."
Attributing the report to the Voice of America, the Digest reports that current efforts includes the $100 million Digital Jobs Africa initiative, which was launched in 2013 with the aim of boosting the information and communications technology (ICT) sector in six African countries -- Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, Nigeria, Morocco, and Egypt. Foundation president, Judith Rodin, told the VOA:
We are excited to see so much opportunity and such a growth market in the ICT sector more broadly across the continent. [There are] so many technology parks growing [and] so many companies really growing on technology-based platforms. We know that ... the continent has to focus on employing this extraordinary youth bulge that we are going to see. We think ... a critical part of shared prosperity as we go forward [means] developing growth in the ICT sector which often yields some of the better paying jobs.
Elsewhere on the continent, the foundation is working to help small farmers adapt to climate change by collaborating with local partners to capture run-off from flooding for use in irrigating fields. It is also working in partnership with the World Food Programme and has bankrolled a technology called risk metrics that can help predict an impending drought. As a final matter, the foundation is also -- again in conjunction with the World Food Programme -- creating a country-level insurance mechanism that enables countries to access resources in the immediate aftermath of a natural disaster rather than having to wait for international development assistance to arrive.
Wednesday, May 6, 2015
The Washington Post is reporting that just as business, political, and philanthropic leaders gathered in Marrakesh, Morocco, for the first Clinton Global Initiative meeting on Africa and the Middle East, Chelsea Clinton, the former President's daughter, said there is a "political dimension" to the controversy over multimillion-dollar gifts from foreign governments and corporations to her family's foundation.
Ms. Clinton, the Clinton Foundation's vice chair, said the scrutiny has intensified with the launch of her mother Hillary Clinton's White House run. She dismissed the idea, raised by some Republicans and campaign watchdog groups, that foundation donors seek to curry favor with her powerful parents.
Tuesday, April 28, 2015
As reported in the Chronicle of Philanthropy and Reuters, the home ministry of the government of India has cancelled the registration of 8,975 nonprofit associations for failing to declare details of foreign donations that they have received over a three-year period. The action reportedly followed India’s suspension of the license of Greenpeace India and the government’s placement of the Ford Foundation on a watch list. According to Reuters, “Critics have argued that the government's decision to restrict the movement of foreign funding to local charities is an attempt to stifle the voices of those who oppose Prime Minister Narendra Modi's economic agenda.”
Thursday, March 12, 2015
The Chronicle of Philanthropy is reporting that ten individuals using technology to improve the world will be honored tonight at the Dewey Winburne Community Service Awards at the South by Southwest (SXSW) Interactive Conference. The awards honor the late Dewey Wineburne, a co-founder of SXSW Interactive, who had deep interests in education and technology.
According to the Chronicle:
This year’s honorees, selected by a panel of previous winners who live in Austin, represent five countries and a range of interests, including literacy, economic opportunity, and journalism. Each will receive $1,000 for the charity of their choice.
Among the honorees are:
- Rebecca McDonald of Australia who, after seeing footage of the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, quit her job in Australia and moved with her husband to the Caribbean country where she founded Library for All, an online digital library accessible using tablets distributed to schools across Haiti. Books are carefully selected to be culturally relevant and language-appropriate, with most written in French or Creole. The organization pays local publishers for texts and asks larger companies, which do not usually sell books to Haiti, to donate books.
- Jukay Hsu, a native of Queens, New York, who founded Coalition for Queens, a nonprofit designed, according to Mr. Hsu, to foster "a more inclusive tech ecosystem" and "pioneer a pathway from poverty to the middle class." The organization's keystone program, Access Code, trains people — many of them immigrants — to create mobile applications and prepare for entry-level developer jobs. So far, the average income of participants going into the program has been $26,000, while their average income after completion is $73,000.
- Libby Powell, of London, England, who has used her training as a journalist to found Radar, a communications-rights organization that trains citizen reporters and promotes the stories they tell through social media and other ways online. Based in the United Kingdom, the staff offers editorial guidance to local correspondents who report from the field. The group has generated coverage about elections and Ebola in Sierra Leone and slavery in India and is working on new projects that give voice to people living with dementia and those who are homeless. Created with money raised through the crowdfunding site Indiegogo, Radar works to raise awareness among the public, policy makers, and service providers about issues affecting marginalized groups. The organization has helped place articles in The Guardian and the BBC.
- Tembinkosi Qondela, of Cape Town, South Africa, who founded Whizz ICT Centre, an organization that seeks to facilitate the use of information communication technology (ICT) tools for development efforts of the community in Khayelitsha, one of the largest and poorest areas of Cape Town, South Africa. Mr. Qondela observed that marginalization of poor people in the use of ICT and the lack of access to information perpetuates the inequalities and poverty that face most young South Africans. Whizz ICT runs a center which gives young people access to computer training, other ICT related services and training in a range of income generating skills. To date Whizz ICT has provided training to over 1000 youth.
The names and brief profiles of the other six honorees are available on SXSW's website. We congratulate them all.
Monday, March 9, 2015
Philanthropy News Digest reports that L'Oreal Paris has announced a Call for Nominations for the 2015 L'Oreal Paris Women of Worth awards, an annual program designed to honor women making a "beautiful difference" in the world through voluntarism.
According to the Digest,
Since 2006, the program, in partnership with Points of Light, has recognized eighty inspiring women who have selflessly devoted themselves to causes at the local and national level and motivated others to get involved. Past honorees have been involved in a range of important causes, from advocating for victims of childhood abuse and mentoring homeless children, to helping break the cycle of poverty and empowering teens with disabilities.
As regards the current Call for Nominations, the Digest states that this year, "ten women will be awarded $10,000 each and one woman will be named the national honoree and receive an additional $25,000 to further her charitable efforts. All ten honorees will be recognized in December at a star-studded awards ceremony hosted by L'Oreal Paris in New York."
Complete program guidelines, information about previous recipients, and nomination instructions are available at the Women of Worth website.
Saturday, November 29, 2014
Last month I had the opportunity to attend the NYU National Center on Philanthropy and the Law's Annual Conference. The conference was titled Regulation or Repression: Government Policing of Cross-Border Charity and provided an eye-opening overview of restritions imposed by many countries on foreign funding of charities and other NGOs. What made the conference particularly timely was the fact that only a month earlier a prominent member of Congress had publicly attacked foreign donations to think tanks - in the United States. This concern led to a bipartisan legislative proposal to require disclosure of foreign funding from scholars who testify on Capital Hill. The timing was particularly ironic, as at almost the same time the Economist ran two articles raising concerns about autocratic and illiberal governments placing limits on such funding: Donors: Keep Out and Uncivil Society. That said, whatever concerns charities and other nonprofits may have in the United States (including members of Congress criticizing them for accepting foreign donations), they pale in comparison to the concerns that the legal restrictions on both funding and activities raise for NGOs in many other parts of the world.
Oonagh B. Breen (University College Dublin) has posted Long Day's Journey: The Charities Act 2009 and Recent Developments in Irish Charity Law, Charity Law and Practice Review (forthcoming). Here is the abstract:
It is now twelve years since the Irish Government committed in its Agreed Programme for Government to the introduction of a modern statutory framework for the regulation of Irish charities. Twelve years on, in 2014, the promise of reform to ensure “greater accountability and to protect against abuse of charitable status and fraud . . . [and increased] transparency in the sector has never been more necessary and yet still remains to be delivered. Despite the passage of the Charities Act 2009, its non-implementation has created a regulatory void into which allegations of charity maladministration and misfeasance have filled the public consciousness.
In his seminal work on the formation of public policy, John Kingdon provides a persuasive theory to explain the opening, operation and outcomes of so-called ‘policy windows.’ According to Kingdon, at any given time, a ‘problem stream’ exists representing all the issues that are wrong in a given system. Running (often) parallel to the problem stream will be a ‘solution stream’ containing all of those suggested fixes to make a system work better. It is only when there is a convergence of those two streams within a third ‘political stream’ that policy change occurs. The nature of the political stream within which this convergence occurs can take many forms. In the words of Kingdon, it can comprise “public mood, pressure group campaigns, election results, partisan or ideological distributions in Congress and changes of administration.” The collision of problem and solution streams within this political stream results in the temporary opening of a policy window, allowing policy change to occur. The form of such resultant change may be shaped further by coincidental influences or agenda issues hovering in the vicinity of the window which attach themselves to the coat tails of the newly minted policy outcome. This conception of the policymaking process is useful, providing as it does some insight into how certain policy solutions come to be expectations or have other unintended consequences.
In an Irish context, Kingdon’s framework provides a useful lens through which to analyse the ‘fits and starts’ approach to charity law reform. Against the backdrop of the recent revelations concerning the Central Remedial Clinic and the Rehab Group charities and the catalytic effect of these scandals on the Irish charity sector and charity regulation more generally, this article reviews the current progress in the implementation of the Charities Act 2009, recent moves towards the establishment of the long awaited Charities Regulatory Authority and the prospects and challenges for better charity governance ahead.
Part I of this article reviews the existing Irish ‘problem’ and ‘solution’ streams in the context of charity regulation and outlines the political catalysts that are now instrumental in driving reform. Part II outlines the pending changes to be introduced over the coming months and the implementation challenges that will face the new Charities Regulator. Part III attempts to align the recent shortfalls in charity governance with the forthcoming statutory requirements and assesses whether the policy changes that the public are so desperately seeking will be delivered by the much anticipated commencement of the Charities Act 2009.
Kathryn Chan (University of Victoria) has posted The Co-Optation of Charitable Resources by Threatened Welfare States, 40 Queen's Law Journal (forthcoming 2015). Here is the abstract:
This paper addresses the emerging issue of the governmental co-optation of charitable resources, considering to what extent modern pressures associated with the retrenchment of welfare states are undermining the charitable sector’s traditional independence from government. It pursues this goal by advancing a theoretical contrast between ‘independent’ and ‘co-opted’ charities, and by identifying and contrasting certain legal and institutional mechanisms that either encourage or limit the co-optation ofcharitable resources by governments in England and in Canada.
The paper proceeds in the following way. I begin by advancing an argument in support of the value of an “independent” charitable sector, and the perils of allowing a nation’s charitable resources to be co-opted by the state. I proceed from this argument to articulate two indicia of a “co-opted” charity, relating these indicia to an important body of Anglo-Commonwealth law on the functional public law-private law divide and thus to debates over whether charities should bear human rights obligations and the other special responsibilities of the state. In part four, I distinguish three broad categories of co-optation that are applicable to charities: definitional (or existential) co-optation, managerial co-optation, and contractual (or fiscal) co-optation. I then examine several modern phenomena that tend towards the co-optation ofcharitable resources by government: the exertion of government influence over the legal definition of charity, the creation of statutory charities that are controlled by government or directed towards its purposes, and the exertion of influence over the administration of charitable resources through the negotiation of funding agreements or the appointment of government authority trustees. I consider how, in their response to each of these phenomena, English and Canadian laws and institutions either assist or obstruct government efforts to make charities comply with particular public welfare goals. I conclude that English law does far more than Canadian law to prevent charities from coming to function as agents of government policy, and may thus be regarded as a source of ideas on how Canada might manifest a stronger political commitment to the charitable sector’s independence.
Lilian V. Faulhaber (Boston University) has published Charitable Giving, Tax Expenditures, and Direct Spending in the United States and the European Union, 39 Yale Journal of International Law 87 (2014). Here is the abstract:
This Article compares the ways in which the United States and the European Union limit the ability of state-level entities to subsidize their own residents, whether through direct subsidies or through tax expenditures. It uses four recent charitable giving cases decided by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to illustrate the ECJ’s evolving tax expenditure jurisprudence and argues that, while this jurisprudence may suggest a new and promising model for fiscal federalism, it may also have negative social policy implications. It also points out that the court analyzes direct spending and tax expenditures under different rubrics despite their economic equivalence and does not provide a clear rule for distinguishing between the two, adding to the confusion of Member States and taxpayers. The Article then surveys the Supreme Court’s Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence, under which the Court analyzes discriminatory state spending provisions. The Article concludes that although both the Supreme Court and the ECJ prioritize formalism over economic equivalence, the Supreme Court’s approach to tax expenditures is more defensible than that of the ECJ due to the different federal structures of the two jurisdictions.
Wednesday, October 15, 2014
A concept that I have introduced through scholarly writing and blogged about here is the need for a more efficient charitable market. In August, I commented upon a Vanguard Charitable study that found millennials are more likely to see their charitable giving as a form of investment and thus promote a culture of giving that demands more transparency and accountability, two hallmarks of a more efficient charitable market. A recent NPR broadcast that examined the work of Scott Harrison’s nonprofit, Charity: Water, confirmed just that.
In the segment, Harrison spoke about his dual purpose in forming Charity: Water. First, he wanted to provide clean water to the almost 800 million people globally who lack access to it by building wells. Second, he sought to make an example of how a nonprofit could do its work in a way that would resonate with the next generation of givers. He recounted his own experience of being hesitant to give to charities prior to starting Charity: Water, which stemmed from the absence of information on how a charity would use the funds. Today the nonprofit world is concerned with how approximately 80 millennials make their decisions about giving, and not surprisingly, it is different from the prior generation(s). As stated in my prior post, it is widely accepted that millennials want to view their “donation” as “investment,” and at least one commentator recommends that nonprofits refer to the latter. Another salient point is how technology intersects with millennial giving. Millennials value their time, and as a result, any form of technology that makes it easier for them to invest is preferable. Moreover, the Ice Bucket Challenge that swept through social networks over the summer shows that the desire of millennials to share the details of their lives extends to their giving. In response, Charity: Water is utilizing a birthday campaign where donors can ask their network to donate one dollar for each year celebrated, i.e., $25 dollars to celebrate a 25th birthday. Charity: Water is also placing sensors on its wells, so donors may interact with the impact of their investment in a novel manner. Charity: Water’s innovative approaches are proving successful. They have helped over 4 million more people in twenty-two countries gain access to clean water. Millennials and nonprofits like Charity: Water may just help move giving into the next century and towards a more efficient charitable market.
Tuesday, October 14, 2014
In PLR 201438032, the Service considered whether donations to a nonprofit public benefit corporation that engages in transactions of funds with its foreign subsidiary are tax deductible and whether such transactions would harm its 501(c)(3) status. The PLR confirms aspects of how a transaction between a 501(c)(3) and a wholly-owned foreign subsidiary should be structured to secure a favorable tax result. One question the IRS still has not resolved is whether a donation to a wholly-owned foreign single-member LLC is deductible. The nonprofit world will be waiting.
In the ruling, the subsidiary in question is a foreign nonprofit foundation whose activities, namely seeking to aid foreign orphanages, are carried out internationally. The governing board and governing officers are under the control of the public benefit corporation. The stated purpose of the subsidiary is to carry out the purposes and objectives of the public benefit corporation. In terms of board overlap, at least three of the five board members of the subsidiary are members of the public benefit corporation’s board. In terms of governance, it is clear that the public benefit corporation is involved in each area and ensures that the subsidiary complies with U.S. tax rules and regulations regarding tax-exempt entities, e.g., restrictions regarding private inurement and lobbying expenditures. The public benefit corporation also has the ability to expel members from the board of directors and to dissolve the subsidiary. Under the “Proposed Transaction,” the public benefit corporation may vote to transfer funds to the subsidiary. There are also mechanisms in place to ensure a type of expenditure responsibility-like accountability for the maintenance and use of funds. Finally, the public benefit corporation disallows earmarking, and its board maintains the requisite discretion and control over funds, i.e., does not have an obligation to transfer funds to the subsidiary.
Both of the public benefit corporation’s requested rulings were granted. First, the Proposed Transaction was deemed not to jeopardize the public benefit corporation’s tax-exempt status. Second, donations made to the public benefit corporation were deemed deductible under Code section 170(a). In reaching this ruling, Treasury stated that the Proposed Transaction is consistent with the anti-conduit rules of Rev. Ruling 63-252 and the discretion and control requirement of Rev. Ruling 66-79. Moreover, it looked to Revenue Ruling 68-49 which states that a 501(c)(3) organization does not jeopardize its tax-exempt status by contributing funds to non-501(c)(3) organizations as long as it can show the funds were used for 501(c)(3) purposes. Ultimately, Treasury found the public benefit corporation’s actions congruent with this ruling. In terms of the second ruling, Treasury found that since the public benefit corporation is an organization described in Section 170(c), contributions to it are deductible under Section 170(a).