Subject: Working Effectively with ACHD
When: Wed. Aug. 3 from 6 – 7pm
Where: Idaho Law & Justice Learning Center, 514 W. Jefferson Street, Room 135
The room is right next to the door on the eastern side, and it’s easiest if you enter there. Parking is available behind the building on the eastern side in the spots marked “visitor.” RSVP toDeanna if you plan to attend.
ACHD staff will discuss the following:
- Development – how to be involved, policies, etc.
- Plans & Projects – how to be involved
- Community Programs – how to submit project requests
Idaho Smart Growth and the University of Idaho College of Law in Boise have teamed up to create the Citizens Planning Academy. We will hold monthly sessions on the first Wednesday of each month at the Idaho Law & Justice Learning Center from 6:00 – 7:00 pm. The purpose of the Academy is to help citizens interested in participating in planning efforts throughout the Treasure Valley—from regional to the neighborhood—to understand how to become effective advocates on land use, transportation and other planning topics. Each session will cover one topic. We will bring in staff or other knowledgeable presenters for each session and discussion will be encouraged. The sessions are free and open to anyone.
Sunday, July 24, 2016
Zoning’s Next Century
An Agenda for the First Decade
John R. Nolon, Distinguished Professor
Elisabeth Haub School of Law, Pace University
July 25, 2016
On this date--July 25th--in 1916, New York City adopted the nation’s first comprehensive zoning ordinance. In a series of 20 posts earlier this year, we traced zoning’s evolution into land use law and noted its steady progress in solving complex problems regarding the use and protection of land and natural resources. The posts demonstrated how zoning that ordered community development became society’s method of shaping human settlements to promote jobs, economic development, ecosystem services, and equity, while reducing carbon emissions and adapting to climate change.
On the cusp of its second century, land use law is ready to be used as an essential strategy for sustainable economic development and climate change management: a man-made tool capable of repairing damage done by an alarming man-made problem.
In honor of this anniversary, here is a land use law agenda for the first decade of zoning’s second century.
- Reduced carbon emissions. The 2015 Conference of the Parties to the International Convention on Climate Change in Paris called on participating nations to list the strategies they will use to mitigate climate change. These are called Intended Nationally Determined Contributions or INDCs and they are to be submitted to the UN so that it can evaluate their cumulative results. The United States’ submission relied on traditional, top-down environmental law mechanisms to contribute to climate change mitigation. By 2020, when a new submission is due, our INDCs must be grounded as well on land use strategies that reduce vehicle miles travelled and energy consumption by reshaping settlement patterns and revising building construction protocols. This is the first order of business for zoning’s second century.
- Retreat and resilience: Much of our population is settled along coastal waterways and flood plains. Many more are in the drought-prone southwest where the summer’s heat threatens livability and sparks wildfires. Retreating from the most dangerous of these areas is highly controversial, but an inevitable result of the changing climate. Land use law is evolving to plan for and manage the gradual retreat from some of these danger zones and to make others resilient through proper placement and construction of buildings and infrastructure. The loose confederacy of strategies now being developed must become a clear blueprint of best practices for states and localities to adopt.
- 3. Reduced liability for preventing dangerous development. A quarter of a century ago, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Lucas v. South Carolina Coastal Council, held that land use regulations that prevent all economic development are takings and require full compensation for the affected owner. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority noted that changed circumstances and changed knowledge could be used to soften this rigid total takings rule. Properly constructed no-build regulations in climate change’s danger zones must be validated by the use of this dictum to liberate regulators from the liability that has stifled common-sense adaptation strategies.
- Creating livable neighborhoods for the new demographics. Land use regulations can create livable neighborhoods for the nation’s emerging households: young individuals and couples (millennials), immigrants, and seniors who are leaving single-family neighborhoods. Most prefer urban living, but only in neighborhoods with a proper mix of services, entertainment, restaurants, and transportation alternatives. These places are where society has invested in infrastructure and where jobs and housing are needed to revitalize urban neighborhoods and reduce per capita carbon emissions. The many solid innovations already in place must be shaped into a common agenda for implementing this objective.
- Creating transportation alternatives. Technology is making cities smarter. They are using new media, communication, and transportation software to lower the costs and increase the amenities of urban living. Foremost among these is transit oriented development that connects mixed-use buildings with transportation services in transit station areas and makes the connections obvious and accessible to residents and workers through smart technologies.
- Managing neighborhood transitions. As this agenda evolves, it could result in gentrification---the displacement of low and moderate income residents, a result clearly counter to the basic precepts of sustainability. The faint outlines of a strategy for managing this transition without displacement are becoming visible. They involve job development and training for current residents, remediating distressed properties (while making them affordable), including affordable units in new housing projects, and close attention to quality of education and public safety, among other initiatives. Here, land use planning and regulation must be coordinated with other disciplines for progress to be made.
- Resolving the fair housing dilemma. The Inclusive Communities Project case, decided by the Supreme Court in 2015, determined that zoning that disparately impacts racial minorities may be invalid under the Fair Housing Act. This requires careful thought and action by affluent communities where whites and single-family zoning predominate. How to create an inclusive community through land use regulations is an elusive objective. Equally challenging is the issue of distributing limited federal and state housing dollars and tax credits. These resources historically have been allocated to communities with low and moderate income populations: where the need is, as they say. The Court indicated that this kind of steering may violate the Fair Housing Act because it perpetuates segregation. To the extent that limited subsidies are allocated to more affluent areas, they are less available to mitigate gentrification in revitalizing urban neighborhoods. This is a public policy quandary of critical importance, one that must be resolved in the first decade of zoning’s new century.
- Protecting urban food sheds. The local food movement is inherently sustainable and innovative farmers are producing crops close to urban centers. Critical to the success of this strategy is the preservation of high quality farm land in defined food sheds. Land use laws must be adjusted to permit farmers in critical areas great flexibility to use farm land to meet market needs and diversify their on-site land uses and to provide zoning incentives to do so. Zoning that permits residential development of farm land must be reformed to protect the most fertile soils and farms.
- Reducing water demand and protecting water quality. As the domestic population expands, water consumption will increase in areas with limited potable water supplies. Land use regulations can foster settlement patterns that reduce per capita water use by emphasizing smaller lots and higher density development. This combined with regulations that require water smart facilities and water-conserving landscapes can reduce per capita consumption by half or more. At the same time, development that serves the nation’s growing population must be governed by local land use laws that protect ground and surface water from pollution. This requires more communities to adopt water pollution controls developed over the past two decades as local environmental law.
- Making local land use strategies an intentional objective of state and federal initiatives. The power of local governments to control land use is not likely to be taken away during the early decades of zoning’s new century. This power and its proper use must be harnessed for this agenda to be realized; integrating local land use authority must become an intentional objective of state and federal policy. Returning to item one on this agenda, elevating land use strategies to become a core component of the nation’s INDCs is an important, if not necessary, method of doing this.
Here are links to the 20 blogs on Zoning’s Centennial:
Part 8: Regionalism and ‘Wistful Hoping’
Part 11: Designing Density
Part 12: Green Infrastructure
Part 12B: Land Use and Energy Conservation
Part 14: Transit Oriented Development
Part 15: Zoning in Solar and Clean Energy
Part 17: Water Scarcity and Land Use Planning
Friday, July 22, 2016
A new report from the National Housing Conference has some of the answers. Here is the abstract:
More than 500 local inclusionary zoning (IZ) programs have been implemented in communities across the country. In most cases, these IZ policies are adopted as part of a larger local strategy to expand housing options that are affordable to lower income households. IZ policies have been adopted in a wide range of places, from big cities to suburban communities to rural areas. But what makes one community more quickly adopt an IZ policy than another community? Using a database developed in collaboration with the National CLT Network (now Grounded Solutions), researchers at NHC and the University of Maryland developed a model to explain the rate of IZ adoption in local jurisdictions across the country. When states expressly authorize inclusionary zoning, local jurisdictions have an easier time adopting a local IZ program. Other community characteristics that are associated with adoption of a local IZ program include: higher population densities, higher shares of rent-burdened households, lower home ownership rates, and a lower share of Democratic voters. These research findings can help advocates target their education and outreach efforts as they seek to expand the number and the effectiveness of IZ programs across the country.
Rocky Mountain Land Use Institute seeks panel proposals for 2017 conference themed Creating Inclusive Communities
What issues are important to you in your work?
The Rocky Mountain Land Use Institute's annual land use conference, Western Places / Western Spaces explores a range of land use, planning, law, and development issues with professionals from around the West and across the country.
At last year's event, we paused to look back at the lessons we've learned over the past 25 years. This year, we're inviting you to submit your session proposals to address how we can put those lessons into practice.
Western Places/Western Spaces: Creating Inclusive Communities
The theme for the 2017 Western Places/Western Spaces conference,Creating Inclusive Communities, focuses on the challenges and strategies available to cities—large and small—to plan for and build communities in which everyone can thrive.
With cities and towns across the West facing rapid population growth and changing demographics, perhaps it is addressing social equity through urban planning or how to provide enough affordable housing. Denver is looking into an affordable housing fund, following in the footsteps of cities like cities like Seattle.
Maybe it's fracking, which is certainly a hot issue here in Colorado where a proposed ballot measure would change the setback limits from occupied buildings. Or maybe your community already supports the industry but is dealing with the latest oil and gas bust.
Request for Proposals
We look forward to reading your proposals!Susan and Lisa
Rocky Mountain Land Use Institute
Rocky Mountain Land Use Institute
New to the RMLUI Annual Land Use Conference?
SAVE THE DATE!
Thursday, September 29, 2016
University of Denver
2199 S. University Blvd.
Denver, CO 80208
To manage your email preferences, click here
Thursday, July 21, 2016
Boise and the surrounding Treasure Valley rank as one of the 20 fastest growing American regions.
To facilitate better planning of this rapid growth, I am pleased to announce that the University of Idaho College of Law and Idaho Smart Growth are teaming up to create the Citizens Planning Academy, an effort to build planning and land use law capacity within the Treasure Valley region, which begins with a series of monthly workshops. Our first session is this coming August 3rd and will focus on how the Ada County Highway District--one of the country's few unified highway districts with control of both city and county roads--works. We also plan a YouTube Channel that will make these sessions freely available. For anyone in Boise with an interest in planning law, and especially transportation, this is the place to be!
Here is the announcement:
First Citizens Planning Academy Session on Aug. 3rd
Yesterday, the EU released a series of proposals related to integrating land use into its 2030 Climate and Energy Framework. These fact sheets are worth a look. Below I have copied the overarching announcement. At the bottom of the press release are links to other fact sheets about specific proposals that were also announced yesterday. For those interested in cities, the specific plans related to low-emission mobility may be the most interesting.
Here is the press release, also copied below:
Proposal to integrate the land use sector into the EU 2030 Climate and Energy Framework
Brussels, 20 July 2016
Questions and answers
A robust climate policy framework is a key element of the EU's Energy Union and a successful transition to a low-carbon economy. This is a necessary shift that will require a contribution from all sectors of the economy. Incentives for climate-friendly land use and forestry ensure the continued growth and sustainable productivity of our rural communities, which provide important services and economic benefit. A sustainably managed land use sector can supply renewable energy and materials, ensuring that the EU remains a world leader in these markets.
1. What is the Commission's proposal on land use and forestry about?
In October 2014, the EU agreed on a clear commitment: all sectors, including land use and forestry, should contribute to the EU's target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 40% by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Today's proposal on land use and forestry sets out a binding commitment for each Member State and the accounting rules to determine compliance and covers CO₂ from forestry and agriculture .
Together with last year's proposal for the revision of the EU Emission Trading System (ETS) and today's Effort Sharing proposal on national emissions targets for all other sectors not covered by the EU ETS (see fact sheet), this will contribute to the achievement of the EU's commitments under the Paris Agreement on climate change. The new regulatory framework is based on the key principles of fairness, solidarity, flexibility and environmental integrity.
The Commission proposes a careful balance between more incentives to capture carbon in soil and forests and the need to maintain the environmental integrity of the EU climate framework, so as to incentivise emission reductions in the buildings, transport and agriculture sectors.
Land use and forestry include our use of soils, trees, plants, biomass and timber, and are in a unique position to contribute to a robust climate policy. This is because the sector not only emits greenhouse gases but can also remove CO₂ from the atmosphere. EU forests absorb the equivalent of nearly 10% of total EU greenhouse gas emissions each year.
2. What are the benefits for European citizens, farmers and foresters?
By helping to preserve and strengthen the capacity of our forests and soils to capture CO₂ in a sustainable way, this proposal benefits all Europeans. Member States and the EU will be able to better assess climate change benefits related to agriculture and forestry, get a better understanding of effective climate protection measures in these sectors, while at the same time securing food production, protecting biodiversity, and encouraging the development of a bio-based economy.
Emissions of biomass used in energy will be recorded and counted towards each Member State's 2030 climate commitments. This addresses the common criticism that emissions from biomass in energy production are not currently accounted for under EU law. As forest management is the main source of biomass for energy and wood production, more robust accounting rules and governance for forest management will provide a solid basis for Europe's future post-2020 renewables policy.
The new rules will support farmers in developing climate-smart agriculture practices, which seek synergies between productivity, resilience and emissions reductions, without imposing restrictions or red tape for individual farms. It will support foresters and forest-based industries through greater visibility for the climate benefits of wood products which have a longer life-time and which store carbon from the atmosphere for long periods. It will provide a framework for Member States to incentivise more climate-friendly land use.
3. What is the "no-debit" commitment for land use?
The proposal requires each Member State to ensure that accounted CO₂ emissions from land use are entirely compensated by an equivalent removal of CO₂ from the atmosphere through action in the same sector. This commitment is referred to as the "no debit rule". In essence, if a Member State cuts down their forests (deforestation), it must compensate the resulting emissions by planting new forest (afforestation) or by improving the sustainable management of their existing forest, croplands and grasslands. In this way the "no-debit" commitment incentivises Member States to take actions that increase the absorption of CO₂ in agricultural soils and forests. Although Member States undertook this commitment under the Kyoto Protocol up to 2020, the proposal enshrines the commitment in EU law for the period 2021-2030.
The proposal also contains the accounting rules to be used by all Member States so that compliance with the "no-debit" commitment is calculated consistently across all Member States. The accounting rules regulate how emissions and removals – i.e. the absorption of CO₂ by agricultural lands and forests – are to be recognised, measured and compiled in a standardised way.
4. What are the accounting rules set out in the proposal?
The more robust accounting rules in the Commission proposal build on those previously established at international level under the Kyoto Protocol, which commits its Parties by setting internationally binding emission reduction targets. The modifications that the Commission proposes today will make the accounting rules fit for purpose for the period from 2021 to 2030.
The technical rules are simplified and updated, with the current methodology regarding land use accounting mostly kept, but upgraded and made relevant for a post-Kyoto protocol period (post-2020) to improve environmental integrity. The main updates are:
- In order to improve both accuracy and the identification of new mitigation action, the proposal updates the base period to average accounts for the years from 2005 to 2007. This creates a stable benchmark more closely aligned with the non-ETS 2005 base year.
- Simplifying and streamlining the reporting and accounting systems to the internationally recognised approach based on tracking emissions and removals associated with different categories of land use (e.g. forest land, cropland, grassland). In the EU a standard accounting period of 20 years will be introduced for land use change, except for afforested land where Member States may choose a 30 year period, based on national justifications such as forest conditions.
The proposal also introduces a new EU governance process for monitoring benchmarks, called "forest management reference levels" that Member States will use to calculate emissions and removals from managed forests. This new EU governance approach will increase transparency and comparability across Member States, while fully taking into consideration national forest circumstances and priorities.
5. What are the new flexibilities for Member States to achieve their targets?
The proposal provides several flexibilities to Member States to meet their "no-debit" commitment while maintaining environmental integrity. If the net removals of CO2 are greater than the net emissions of CO₂ from land use in the first compliance period (2021-2025), these can be banked and used in the next compliance period (2026-2030). This gives Member States the flexibility to deal with fluctuations caused by growth cycles or other variable conditions.
If a Member States has net emissions from land use and forestry, it can use allocations from the Effort Sharing Regulation to satisfy its "no debit" commitment. They can also buy and sell net removals from and to other Member States. This encourages Member States to increase CO2 removals beyond their own commitment.
Where a Member State generates net removals beyond their commitment by increasing forest area (i.e. afforestation) or through good practice in agriculture (i.e. managed grassland and managed cropland) a number of these credits can be used to comply with national targets in the Effort Sharing Regulation, although this amount is strictly limited to ensure the environmental integrity of these targets. Only net credits generated domestically by afforested land, managed grassland and managed cropland can be transferred and used for compliance under the Effort Sharing Regulation. Before a similar flexibility is considered for managed forest land, the robustness of the reference levels for all Member States based on the new EU governance process should be evaluated.
6. How do the Member States report compliance with the new rules?
The proposal establishes two compliance periods from 2021-2025 and from 2026-2030 respectively. A five year cycle is appropriate for land use because absorptions and emissions in the sector can vary significantly from year to year, due to weather and other natural phenomena. This closely aligns the proposal with the 5-year review cycle set out in the Paris Agreement and is in line with the Commission commitment to Better Regulation.
Member States are nevertheless expected to report on their emissions and removals annually, applying the standardised accounting rules, and on policies and measures undertaken in the sector every second year. The Commission will carry out a comprehensive review of the data after each 5-year period and determine compliance with the "no debit" commitment.
Where a Member State does not meet its commitment in either period, the shortfall is deducted from their allocation in the Effort Sharing Regulation.
7. How does the proposal account for natural disasters that affect forests?
Certain natural events can cause trees to fall during storms, die (for example from infection and pests) or burn in wildfires. In the last 25 years, globally, forest fire seasons have already become 20% longer and more severe and this trend is expected to worsen in the coming decades due to increasing global temperatures.
The scale of emissions associated with extreme events that are driven by nature – i.e. natural disaster – can be substantial. Emissions that are outside the control of Member States may be excluded from the accounts for land use and forestry. Clear rules limit this exemption to ensure that it does not create a loop-hole.
Press release: Energy Union and Climate Action: Driving Europe’s transition to a low-carbon economy
Fact sheet: Questions and answers on the European Strategy for low-emission mobility
Fact sheet: Questions and answers on the Commission's proposal on binding greenhouse gas emissions reduction for Member States (2021-2030)
Graduate Research Fellow for 2016-17
Land Use & Sustainable Development Law Institute
Touro Law Center’s Land Use & Sustainable Development Law Institute is seeking a Graduate Research Fellow to take a key role on an innovativeZoning for Coastal Resilience project funded by the New York Sea Grant. The Institute is undertaking this project in coordination with a number of government and community partners, including the New York State Department of State and Governor’s Office of Storm Recovery, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and Pace University’s Land Use Law Center, amongst others.
Threats from sea-level rise and coastal storms create significant social, environmental and economic risks. To help address these threats, the Zoning for Coastal Resilience project will provide to three Long Island, New York communities practical tools and critical information that will assist in increasing coastal resilience, including assisting local leaders in undertaking a detailed assessment of local laws, identifying land use techniques to increase resilience, and helping to develop implementable local strategies that will enable a more resilient future for the region.
To achieve these objectives, the project team will work collaboratively with community leaders and project technical experts to assist community leaders in assessing and amending their zoning codes and other related local laws to increase coastal community resilience. The project team will not recommend any particular policies or strategies, nor will they promote a particular point of view. Instead, the project team will provide support to local government officials, staff and community leaders to empower them in assessing and amending local laws to increase coastal resilience. This collaborative support may include, for example, legal research and analysis of issues related to amending zoning codes and other community planning documents to increase resilience, surveys of existing best practices, facilitation of workshops with technical experts, and assistance in drafting and assessing potential local law amendments.
The Position: The Institute is seeking a Graduate Research Fellow to staff the Zoning for Coastal Resilience project. The Fellow will work directly with the Institute Director, Professor Sarah Adams-Schoen, and the Institute’s law student Fellows. The Graduate Research Fellow will network with local, county, state and federal government and private sector partners; undertake research and analysis related to coastal resilience and local law; and help create practical tools that will directly assist coastal communities in increasing their resilience by developing land use leadership capacity and providing technical assistance on assessing and amending local laws. The project represents an excellent opportunity to work on legal issues of critical importance to Long Island, New York and the nation.
The Graduate Research Fellowship begins in July or August 2016 and continues until February 28, 2017, with the possibility of renewal for a second term from March 1, 2017 through February 28, 2018, depending on interest and performance. The Institute Director, Sarah Adams-Schoen, supervises the Graduate Research Fellow, but the Fellow is expected to assume substantial responsibility for his or her own work and to assist the Director in supervision of law student research fellows and research assistants. The Graduate Research Fellow will work closely with the Institute Director, students and administrative staff of Touro Law Center, as well as with NYSG project partners including local, county, state and federal government staff.
Qualifications: The Graduate Research Fellowship is offered to graduating law students or recent law school graduates with outstanding academic and legal credentials who are committed to sustainability. Strong candidates will have excellent legal research, writing and analytical skills. Experience in land use and zoning or local environmental law is preferred, but not required. Fellows need not be licensed to practice law.
Salary: The salary for the first-year Graduate Research Fellow is $4,583 per month, plus benefits. A cost-of-living increase is possible for second year Fellows. Fellows work 35 hours per week.
Application Procedure: Applicants should send a cover letter of no more than 1 page, a resume, a writing sample of no more than 5 pages, and 3 references to Sarah J. Adams-Schoen, Director, Land Use & Sustainable Development Law Institute, Touro Law Center, 225 Eastview Dr., Central Islip, NY 11722, or by e-mail to email@example.com<mailto:firstname.lastname@example.org> with NYSG Graduate Research Fellow in the subject line. Applications will be accepted on a rolling basis until a candidate is hired. Interested applicants are therefore encouraged to apply as soon as possible.
Tuesday, July 19, 2016
Here's an Alabama case that likely escaped most people's attention: Quinn v. Morgan (am I the only one entertained by the fact that these are now two trendy kid names) from the Court of Civil Appeals in Alabama, 2016 WL 3855034. It's a great case for a review of prescriptive easements, turning on the hostility prong of the test -- which always gives my students the most trouble.
Morgan had a relatively easy time of showing that she and her husband had established a prescriptive easement across property owned by Quinn and Stough (different parcels) to access their land. What intrigues me about the case is that there was a conservation easement burdening the Stough land. The Stough land was burdened by a conservation easement held by the Alabama Forest Resources Center. The AFRC challenged the prescriptive easement and was recognized to have standing to do so along with the other landowners. AFRC was unable to stop the recognition of a prescriptive easement. The court did not discuss the terms of the conservation easement, so we don't know whether the PE conflicted with the CE. This case suggests however that CEs could be hampered by PEs burdening the same property. CE holders will need to be vigilant monitoring the land to guard against PEs, suggesting that annual monitoring may not be enough. Moreover, it suggests the holders might need to be more alert to potential problems of adverse possession. Arguably, a conservation easement could be terminated by adverse possession as well.
Registration is now open for the Central States Law Schools Association 2016 Scholarship Conference, which will be held on Friday, September 23 and Saturday, September 24 at the University of North Dakota School of Law in Grand Forks, ND. We invite law faculty from across the country to submit proposals to present papers or works in progress.
CSLSA is an organization of law schools dedicated to providing a forum for conversation and collaboration among law school academics. The CSLSA Annual Conference is an opportunity for legal scholars, especially more junior scholars, to present on any law-related topic in a relaxed and supportive setting where junior and senior scholars from various disciplines are available to comment. More mature scholars have an opportunity to test new ideas in a less formal setting than is generally available for their work. Scholars from member and nonmember schools are invited to attend.
Please click here to register. The deadline for registration is September 2, 2016.
Hotel rooms are now available for pre-booking. The conference hotel is the Hilton Garden Inn in Grand Forks. The hotel phone number is (701) 775-6000. When booking, identify yourself as part of the “UND School of Law” block to receive a daily rate of $89. Please note that conference participants are responsible for all of their own travel expenses including hotel accommodations.
For more information about CSLSA and the 2016 Annual Conference please subscribe to our blog.
We look forward to seeing you in Grand Forks!
The 2016 CSLSA Board
For more information about CSLSA, visit our website at http://cslsa.us/ or contact a board member.
Monday, July 18, 2016
Here's a job opportunity I'm posting at the request of the Community Development Project of the Urban Justice Center in NYC.
Community Development Project of the Urban Justice Center
LAND USE & NEIGHBORHOOD CHANGE
The Community Development Project (CDP) at the Urban Justice Center seeks a Staff Attorney to provide legal support to grassroots groups on matters related to neighborhood change and development. We believe that legal services focused on land use are a critical way to support responsible, equitable development and to combat gentrification and displacement. CDP’s work in this area has included advocacy around neighborhood rezonings, negotiation of community benefits agreements, participation in citywide coalitions that support equitable development, and litigation challenging proposed developments. The position reports to the Supervising Attorney for CDP’s Capacity Building Practice. Depending on organizational needs and the candidate’s interests and experience, this position may offer opportunities to also work on transactional matters, such as nonprofit and worker cooperative development and support.
Primary Responsibilities include:
- Support local coalitions and grassroots groups in neighborhoods facing rezonings by conducting trainings, supporting the formation of coalitions, researching best practices in equitable development, reviewing and crafting responses to the City’s proposed rezoning plans, and supporting local groups in developing and advocating for policies to better meet community needs.
- Negotiate and draft legally binding Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) with private developers to ensure that community members obtain concrete benefits from development projects.
- Advocate to legislative bodies and agencies in partnership with CDP’s clients regarding issues related to equitable neighborhood change and development.
- Participate in coalitions to support policies that promote equitable development.
- Develop and pursue litigation to protect community members’ interests in the face of rezoning and development initiatives.
- Develop new strategies and partnerships to advance equitable neighborhood change.
- Support CDP on other substantive and administrative projects.
- Comply with all grant reporting requirements and supporting CDP’s development department to ensure ongoing funding for the work.
- Admission to the New York State Bar, able to be admitted on motion, or pending admission.
- Demonstrated commitment to grassroots efforts for economic, racial and social justice.
- Excellent organizational and interpersonal/communication skills.
- Strong writing and analytical skills.
- Demonstrated ability to work with diverse populations.
- Ability to work independently and collaboratively.
- At least 1-2 years post-law school experience in civil legal services or comparable work.
- Familiarity with land use, property, local government, zoning, and/or NYC housing law.
- Experience with urban planning, policy development, and/or legislative advocacy.
- Litigation experience.
- Fluency in Spanish.
- Experience working with social justice and/or community organizing groups.
The Community Development Project (CDP) at the Urban Justice Center strengthens the impact of grassroots organizations in New York City’s low-income and other excluded communities. We partner with community organizations to win legal cases, publish community-driven research reports, assist with the formation of new organizations and cooperatives, and provide technical and transactional assistance in support of their work towards social justice. CDP’s current practice areas are Affordable Housing, Consumer Justice, Research & Policy, Worker’s Rights, and Capacity Building. cdp.urbanjustice.org.
The Community Development Project is an equal opportunity employer. CDP encourages applications from people with diverse backgrounds, including women, people of color, immigrants, people with disabilities, LGBTQ people, people from low income backgrounds, and people with personal experience with the criminal justice system. We strongly encourage applications from people with lived experiences in the communities we serve.
Salary and compensation: A competitive salary and excellent benefits package is available, with generous vacation, personal, and sick time, along with industry leading medical and dental coverage. CDP’s staff attorneys are on a fixed salary scale, and the salary for this position will be determined based on years of relevant experience in accordance with the scale. This is a bargaining unit position represented for collective bargaining purposes by the National Organization of Legal Services Workers, UAW, Local 2320. The Urban Justice Center’s union has been formally recognized and is in the process of negotiating its first union contract.
Interested applicants should send a resume and cover letter by e-mail to email@example.com, attn: Gowri Krishna. Please include “Land Use Staff Attorney” in the subject line. Applications will be considered on a rolling basis and must be received by August 15, 2016.
Wednesday, July 13, 2016
The prominent “Ashby High-Rise” land use case has been decided by the Texas court of appeals. In ruling that a project that is legally permissible can’t be stopped or penalized by neighbors, the court provided needed clarity for property law and for the future of development in Houston and in other American communities. The decision means that a property owner or developer can rely on the land use rules that are on the books without having to worry about a neighborhood veto of an otherwise legal plan. The case has gotten some national and plenty of local attention, and is an important decision for property rights, land use regulation, and the rule of law.
In a huge win for the developers, the court declared that the neighbors can’t get nuisance damages for a project that hasn’t yet been built—that is, there can’t be a remedy for a merely “prospective” nuisance. It also upheld the trial court’s decision that there is no basis to stop a project that is legally entitled, because that would be and end-run around the planning, zoning, and permitting process.
The controversy has been raging since 2007, when the developers sought approval for a 23-story residential project on a 1.6-acre tract in an affluent neighborhood close to the central city area of Houston. There were many high-profile protests to “Stop [the] Ashby High-Rise”; failed attempts at changing the law to stop it; and a lawsuit against the City. Ultimately, perhaps in part because of strong Texas property-rights laws, the City agreed to grant the permit. In 2013, the neighbors sued, claiming that the project would be a nuisance.
Traditional property law is that an owner of property can use it any way they want. The doctrine of nuisance limits that freedom to prevent an owner from using their property in a way that intentionally or unreasonably injures another. The Ashby neighbors invoked nuisance law to argue that they were unreasonably harmed by a project that was legally permitted but allegedly “out of place” in their neighborhood near downtown Houston.
The trial was conducted by excellent lawyers on both sides. The jury found that the project, if it were to be built, would constitute a nuisance—but only to the immediately adjacent neighbors. After further hearings, the court upheld the nuisance verdict, but denied the neighbors’ real wish: an injunction to stop the project. Both sides appealed: the developers argued that there can be no damages for a merely “prospective” nuisance; and the neighbors disputed the denial of their more important goal, the injunction.
The Ashby appellate court held that the neighbors of the proposed high-rise aren’t entitled to damages for a project that hasn’t yet been built. The law of nuisance is limited to awarding remedies for a harm that has actually been caused. In holding that there can be no right to damages for a merely prospective nuisance, the court of appeals correctly interpreted the law. This will provide needed clarity for property law after a case that has received national attention.
Some might be tempted to blame the drawn-out controversy on Houston’s lack of traditional zoning. But the case actually turned on the fact that Houston still does have a lot of land use rules, and the courts held that the developers had followed them.
The whole point of modern land use law is to provide some guidance for these case-by-case disagreements about nuisances. If a property owner wants to build, rebuild, or modify her built environment, then the land use regulations on the books should be the guide—without having to guess, and then pay off for, the potential objections of neighbors invoking “not in my backyard” (“NIMBY”) rhetoric. In fact, this is a big part of why the planning and zoning movement took off in the Progressive Era of the early Twentieth Century: to have prospective rules in place, rather than relying on unsatisfying after-the-fact remedies through nuisance law.
The city of Houston, Texas is famous (or infamous) as the only large city in America that doesn’t have traditional zoning. We are, in fact, very lucky to be the “Unzoned City.” Leading land use experts from across the political spectrum agree that an overregulated system chokes off the kind of contemporary development that many people want—mixed-use, walkable, transit-oriented, “smart growth” urbanism. In most cities, this type of traditional neighborhood development is illegal. Zoning also constricts and channels suburban development, and forces those who prefer a more suburban lifestyle to commute ever-longer distances to race beyond the sprawl.
If a zoning code is based on a previous generation’s land use ideals—and it almost inevitably will be, because land use rules are “sticky”—then it will thwart the kind of modern development that part of the market desires—meaning that we won’t have as many options for where to live, work, and play. In the current market, both millennials and retiring boomers show signs of wanting to live in communities with more density and walkable urbanism. Middle-aged Gen-Xers and others are moving to or remaining in the suburbs. If Houston is truly the “Opportunity City,” then it should continue to provide this wide range of options, and the law shouldn’t constrain either preference. Partly because of Houston’s unique position, this case has been discussed in national property law forums and media outlets, as well as at the Rice University Kinder Institute for Urban Research. This case is a perfect example of the challenges of preserving property rights and community desires in America’s “unzoned city.”
But even our unique “zoning lite” system in Houston still has a lot of land use and development rules—minimum lot sizes, high-density rules, urban/suburban distinctions, historic preservation, parking requirements, and other land use laws that, in any other city, would be part of the zoning code. You could even call our system “de facto zoning.” We should resist the temptation to over-regulate, because this relative freedom is an important part of Houston’s history and gives us the opportunity to try new things in land use and development.
The upshot of the Ashby case is that if an owner follows the rules, then their property rights should be protected. If someone wants to use and develop their property, and their plans comply with all of the legal requirements, they shouldn’t be vetoed by neighbors. NIMBY arguments tend to restrict freedom, deny property rights, and thwart the development that the market desires, just to try and keep undesirable projects and people out of the community.
The Ashby high-rise saga also reflects a fundamental inequity in the housing market and the political process. If a wealthy neighborhood could pool resources to almost stop an undesired luxury high-rise, what recourse would other communities have? In any land use regime—typical over-regulation, or Houston’s “zoning lite”—the basic purpose of land use law is to provide the ground rules of the game so that everyone knows how to play, and what they can do within their property rights.
The greatest feature of Houston’s land use regulatory system is that it provides some basic rules for development but still allows a wide range of options for property use. This allows the Houston community—meaning property owners, developers, and future residents looking to join us—to respond to changing market demands. Our “zoning lite” approach is one of the key things that makes us unique and positioned to succeed as a leading global city for the future. The Ashby decision gets the law right and maintains this unique balance for the future.
Matthew Festa is a Professor at the Houston College of Law and a Kinder Scholar at Rice University, specializing in property, land use, and local government law. He testified as an expert witness for the developers at the trial. This article will be cross-posted at the Rice Kinder Institute's Urban Edge Blog.
Tuesday, July 12, 2016
Last month, the leading journal Urban Studies announced its best articles of 2015. Here is the announcement with links to the short-listed papers, which are all available for free:
The Urban Studies Best Article is awarded by the editors to the author(s) of what they consider to be the most innovative and agenda-setting article published in a given year. From a longlist of 22 articles, five articles were shortlisted by the editors from those published in print copy in 2015.
The politics of sustainable development opposition: State legislative efforts to stop the United Nation’s Agenda 21 in the United States.
Frick KT, Weinzimmer D and Waddell P
Urban Studies 52(2), pp. 209-232
Abstract | Article |
The editors are pleased to announce that Dr Tim Bunnell of the National University of Singapore is the winner of the Urban Studies Best Article for 2015 for his article, “Antecedent cities and inter-referencing effects: learning from and extending beyond critiques of neoliberalisation”.
This article along with the other four shortlisted papers are free to view on the Journal’s website.
Monday, July 11, 2016
You can tell it is summertime in law professor land because I am slowly going through my stack of reading, including several cases that I had earmarked for further exploration. One of these is the ongoing dispute regarding a conservation easement held by the U.S. Forest Service pursuant to the Columbia River Gorge National Scenic Area Act. The case is entitled GLW Ventures v. USDA, 2016 WL 3364896 (W.D. Wash 2016)
The Columbia River Gorge National Scenic Area Act included a mechanism whereby the federal government could purchase conservation easements with the goal of preventing development and maintaining current land uses in the area (generally residential and agricultural). It is not clear when the CE in this case was created, but we do know that Sharleen Jones sold a conservation easement of 110 acres to the Forest Service, in exchange for approximately 60% of the fair market value of the land. At the time of this transaction, Jones’ land was classified as being 4 parcels. In the CE, Jones and the Forest Service agreed that the 110 acre parcel could be divided into two acres subject to zoning regulations. At the time of the agreement, both the Act and local zoning laws set the minimum lot size at 40-acres. Some of the background isn’t exactly clear from the court documents, but it appears that several years later Jones tried to get the Forest Service to buy full fee simple title to the lots, but it wasn’t interested. (The latest order from the federal court says that “she offered to sell her remaining interests to the Forest Service, which it declines.” The district court then states that this “declination converted the property’s permissible lot size from 40 acres to 80 acres.” I admit, I don’t understand that process or conclusion and would love to hear an explanation.)
Friday, July 8, 2016
As I prepare for next week's free ABA webinar on conservation easements, I have been thinking a bit about what advice I would give attorneys representing landowners. While I sometimes twice represented landowners in practice, I mostly think about conservation easements from the holder side. I think of my research as generally talking to land trusts and government agencies. So trying to approach things from the perspective of the landowner has been a harder exercise for me than anticipated.
One of the pointers I have for landowners is thinking carefully about who they want to convey a conservation easement to. It may feel like it doesn't matter too much which land trust (or government entity) holds the conservation easement as long as the as the landowners find the terms favorable, but I caution against that. First, with perpetual agreements it is pretty durn likely that one day an ambiguity or dispute will arise. Your conservation easement didn't contemplate potential highways for flying cars? They aren't expressly prohibited, so they must be allowed unless they conflict with the purposes of the conservation easement or the conservation values. They don't actually disturb the surface... so maybe you can still farm? are they scenic? how high off the ground do they need to be? Maybe we can easily figure this out from the CE, but it helps if the general goals of the holder align with the aims of the landowner. Do you want to give the conservation easement to The Audubon Society or to the Marin Agricultural Land Trust?
It involves a decade-long controversy about a proposed 20+ story residential building in a neighborhood close to downtown Houston--the only major city without traditional zoning (even though Houston has "de facto zoning"). The Texas court of appeals ruled for the developers by (1) reversing the trial jury's verdict of damages for a "prospective" nuisance; and (2) affirming the trial court's denial of an injunction to stop the project, in part because of the idea that a judge shouldn't be a "one-man zoning board" when a property owner's plans are otherwise within the land use rules.
The bottom line is that it is a big victory for the developers, and also an important case to clarify property law and the land use rules in a growing city with competing pressures for housing, density, urbanism and sprawl.
I'll have more to say about it soon [I was involved in the trial, and have been teaching and writing about it for years]. For now, here's some links to the news and the decision:
The Houston Chronicle has provided thorough coverage of the case and its broader context over the years. They published a comprehensive breaking-news article on the appellate decision. [Prof. Asmara Tekle and I are quoted].
Reporters Nancy Sarnoff and Erin Mulvaney have covered the case for years, and discussed it on their "Looped In" podcast this week.
There have been many other local stories. We hosted a colloquium this spring with the developer's attorneys and scholars from the Rice University Kinder Institute for Urban Research. The case has gotten a lot of national attention as well, including from the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, Bloomberg, the Huffington Post, and topical outlets such as Next City, Governing, and Planetizen.
I'll have more commentary soon; in the meantime, check out the opinion in this important land use case.
Thursday, July 7, 2016
A recent case on conservation easements from the Court of Federal Claims has got me thinking about a topic I have been mulling over for a while: how should we interpret conservation easements? Do we look at them like contracts? Like property interests? Like environmental protection instruments? And what does it matter – how do different characterization of conservation easements change attitudes or outcomes? Only a few have chimed in on this debate.
In Telzrow v. US, the plaintiffs brought a breach of contract action against the USDA asserting it did not uphold the end of its conservation easement bargain. The Telzrows participated in the USDA’s Wetlands Reserve Program. In 1997, the Telzrows conveyed a conservation easement to the USDA in exchange for $289,750. Note, this is a purchased conservation easement and there is no need for it to comply with requirements of the Internal Revenue. (In fact, it need not comply with state conservation easement law either.)
- Before I even get into the details of the case, let’s try to figure out what law we look at? Do we look to state law of property? Generally, when considering property law, the rules of the state govern. However, this may not be true where the federal government is the holder of the property right (might the Property Clause of the Constitution come into play for federally held partial property rights?) or where the conservation easement arose as part of a federal scheme (see cases from North Dakota where feds were able to enforce conservation easements that did not comply with the state conservation easement enabling act because the CE was part of a federal scheme to protect habitat). If we instead look at the case as one involving contract law, then courts have applied federal law regarding government contracts (see Keydata case holding that a lease was a contract and therefore governed by federal law instead of Massachusetts property law).
Thursday, June 30, 2016
Last night, a 1,400-acre wildfire ripped through the foothills just above Boise, threatened communities in the foothills, and threatened to come down into the heart of the city itself. The timing was meaningful to me because I just posted the first publication of my work on wildfire, which I wrote with several students, on SSRN. It lays out some of the more important legal tools for wildfire planning. That paper, "Planning for Wildfire at the Wildland-Urban Interface," is available here. It is also the forerunner to a much larger publication due out this summer, which will provide a detailed approach to planning for wildfire in the WUI.
In the meantime, this fire has made it all-too-real to me the importance of this project. Here is a picture from the front porch of my colleague Lee Dillion:
And here are more images of the fire from a local newspaper:
Wednesday, June 29, 2016
Contemporary Issues in Climate Change Law & Policy, Part 5: The Local Official and Climate Change, by Stephen R. Miller
Land Use Prof Blog is hosting a series of posts that are excerpts from book chapters in the recently released Contemporary Issues in Climate Change Law and Policy: Essays Inspired by the IPCC. The book was co-edited by Robin Kundis Craig (Utah) and me. The posts will progress in the order of the book's chapters. This fifth post is an excerpt from Prof. Stephen R. Miller's chapter, "The Local Official and Climate Change." The entire chapter is available here. Links to previous excerpts are at the bottom of this post.
Buy the book here.
III. Ineffective Institutions for Regulating or Planning Land Use
The Fifth Assessment identified “[t]he urban institution conundrum”: “rapidly urbanizing cities—cities with the greatest potential to reduce future GHG emissions—are the cities where the current lack of institutional capacity will most obstruct mitigation efforts.” The same is true with regard to adaptation efforts as well. This section looks at several aspects of why local development institutions are ineffective and what local officials can do with an eye towards addressing climate change.
Among the reasons urban development institutions fail is not only resources, but also organizational design. Three examples serve to illustrate these failures and their effect on climate change planning: ineffective commission structures; ineffective public participation structures; and ineffective alliance of staff professional goals with climate change goals.
A. Overcoming Ineffective Commission and Permitting Structures
The proliferation of land use controls in the last 100 years has led to the belief, in some cities, that there is a need for multiple boards or commissions to review different parts of a project. For instance, the rise of historic preservation has led many advocacy groups to create a specific historic preservation committee or commission. In some cities, these commissions give recommendations to planning commissions; in other cities, these commissions have equal status as planning commissions in determining whether a project obtains a certificate of appropriateness or similar entitlement. Other commissions or committees common in many cities include design review boards that apply design guidelines, and transportation-focused groups that address traffic-related issues. Add to these approval complications the bifurcation of land use and building permits, and it becomes clear that decisions about any one project can become highly segmented. This fragmentation can cause problems that lead to either over-regulation—in which case the various regulatory bodies fail to see the burdens imposed by other regulators and duplicate regulation—or under-regulation, in which case the developer can segment the approval process in a manner that frustrates holistic decisionmaking and collective review of the project.
Such problems could affect climate change in a number of ways, several of which are discussed here. First, climate change factors should be integrated into permitting processes at the front-end of the development cycle. For instance, the building efficiency of a project should be a factor in whether it obtains a discretionary land use permit. However, in most American jurisdictions, the building permit, and compliance with efficiency codes, occurs in a typically ministerial review and against energy codes that are often not sufficient to meet climate change mitigation necessities. Decisionmaking could be improved by integrating even energy code compliance into land use entitlement processes, something easily done by placing such goals into the comprehensive plans with which most conditional use permits for larger land use projects must comply. If the project does not meet the comprehensive plan energy mandates, it might not receive the discretionary land use entitlement, even if it might otherwise meet the ministerial requirements of an outdated building code.
Second, local permitting should require demonstration of compliance with other state and federal laws prior to obtaining the local permit. Local land use decisionmaking is often not effectively coordinated with other state and federal agency processes that evaluate the project for compliance with other laws, which may currently include, or may come to include, climate change mitigation and adaptation. The facts of Sackett v. Environmental Protection Agency provide a useful example. In Sackett, local officials issued building permits for a project applicant’s local code-compliant home near a lake; the applicant proceeded to build on the bases of those properly issued local permits. However, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency issued an administrative compliance order to stop work when the project was already under construction because, the agency argued, the project was placing fill material into a jurisdictional wetland and thus needed a Clean Water Act Section 404 permit from the Army Corps. While the outcome of the Sackett case ultimately turned on a procedural question of administrative law, the facts of the case illustrate important institutional issues regarding the lack of integration of local government and other permits. Many local governments issue land use and building permits with standard conditions, which typically include the requirement that the project applicant must comply with all other state and federal laws. Problems arise, however, where local government issues land use and building permits without verifying compliance with those other laws. As in the case of Sackett, the local government likely could have foreseen the necessity of a Clean Water Act fill permit for a home being built near a lake—even though the Sacketts as developers contested that requirement—but the local government did not require that the fill permit be on file or otherwise ensure compliance with other laws before issuing its building permits. This is poor institutional practice.
It is true that it can be difficult for local governments, especially those in states that do not require environmental review of private projects, to ensure compliance with the raft of potentially applicable state and federal environmental regulations. However, local governments need not shoot in the dark: the local government could simply have a policy of sharing all applications with local offices of state and federal permitting officials seeking their guidance, as is common with the lead agency and cooperating agency distinction under the National Environmental Policy Act. By using the local government permit as the coordinating permit for compliance with other state and federal laws, local officials can ensure that a situation like that in Sackett is avoided, which also aids the project applicant in ensuring that the applicant does not necessarily spend money or time on a project that will run afoul of other regulations. This coordinated approach, while valuable for many land use and environmental purposes, would also prove useful in ensuring climate change mitigation and adaptation compliance. Further, it should be noted that this process should not lengthen the entitlement timeframe because the project applicant cannot properly begin construction until all permits are obtained in any case.
B. Overcoming Ineffective Public Participation
The last several decades have seen a great emphasis on public participation in local government decisionmaking. This has included, among other changes, increased participation for neighborhood groups, as well as increasing access to GIS tools that permit the community to offer their own project alternatives. Nevertheless, despite these additional procedural and technological tools to enhance community engagement, public participation routinely fails to prove effective in basic ways. Most importantly, public participation is typically focused on quasi-judicial proceedings against particular projects where the community shows up solely to oppose the project. In these situations, despite hours long meetings in which tens or even hundreds of community members offer comments, there is typically no real discussion of project alternatives. Instead, public participation typically involves a litany of reasons that oppose the particular project.
This is a poor use of the public process. Surely, in some cases, the project under review deserves wholesale rejection. However, if the project complies with the community’s basic land use documents—the comprehensive plan, zoning, and so on—then it is likely not without some merit. A better public participation process would address not only whether the project should be approved in its current iteration, but more importantly, how the project might be altered or otherwise provide mitigations that would make the project acceptable to the community. This broader analysis requires a far more searching review of community goals than simply rejection or acceptance of the project; indeed, it invites conversation between city officials, the community, and the developers as to what the future of the community should be. That conversation is seldom had in quasi-judicial proceedings, but it should be, especially in situations where climate change mitigation and adaptation are at stake.
Further, in many communities, public participation is simply not a component of those processes where the real planning for the future takes place: in the legislative determinations of how to structure the comprehensive plan and zoning. For the interested public seeking to make a difference with regard to climate change, participation in these legislative processes is instrumental to ensuring that the community’s development rules are climate-friendly. Local officials can make climate change part of the legislative process by actively engaging the conversation in a manner that is appropriate to the community. This engagement can include public meetings, but, increasingly, online and social media participation can be valuable. Many local communities have adapted climate action plans over the last decade, but many have taken the approach of primarily providing a common language for engaging climate rather than providing actionable regulatory compliance measures. The common language assists with the previously noted goal of providing a common vision, but ultimately communities will need to find a way to move climate compliance from policy to law.
C. Overcoming Staff Reluctance To Engage
While staff can be a great resource both for implementing existing policies as well as creating new policies, there are often significant barriers to staff effectively addressing long-term problems such as climate change. These impediments can be doubly strong in fast growth communities.
First, planning departments are often funded from fees paid by developers. This mandate for planning departments to “pay their own way” can create a culture in which leadership establishes a mandate to please its perceived customer—the developer—because the department’s continued existence is dependent upon such applications. Clearly, such a mindset can make it difficult to have hard conversations with developers; it can also obscure calls in existing plans to require or encourage types of development that may not be popular with the community’s extant development sector but that might assist with climate mitigation or adaptation. Staff who work under such conditions can find themselves evaluated on the basis of how they please the customer-developer rather than with respect to the verve with which they maintain the integrity of the code or exhibit creativity in assisting project applicants with climate-friendly alternatives.
Second, planning is an occupation in which there is continued ambivalence about professionalization. While many planning departments in major cities require some form of advanced graduate work in planning for their staff, fast growth areas often do not. As a result, many planners faced with the inordinate challenges of fast growth have no formal training in the history of land use regulation, much less regarding cutting-edge strategies for addressing long-term issues like climate change. What training that does occur in fast-growth areas tends to focus on assisting processing of applications—making the day-to-day business of the department function smoothly—rather than on contemplating alternatives that could improve a community’s mitigation of and adaptation to climate change. In these circumstances, with project applications piling up and pressure from developers to get to a hearing, finding time to learn about climate change, much less draft language and engage departmental leadership on the issue, can feel like trying to shoot the moon.
 2014 IPCC Mitigation Report, supra note 9, §12.6.1.
 2014 IPCC Adaptation Report, supra note 9, §22.214.171.124.
 For instance, Boise is a prime example of a still small but fast-growth city with multiple agencies. See, e.g., City of Boise, Idaho, City Code §§ 2-02-01 et seq. (Airport Commission); id. §§2-06-01 et seq. (Planning-Zoning Commission); id. §§2-07-01 et seq. (Development Impact Fee Advisory Committee); id. §§2-16-01 et seq. (Public Works Commission); id. at §§ 2-17-01 et seq. (Arts and History Commission); id. §§2-20-01 et seq. (Irrigation Commission); id. §§2-21-01 et seq. (Housing and Community Development Advisory Committee); id. §§2-23-01 et seq. (Foothills Conservation Advisory Committee); id. at §§ 2-25-01 et seq. (Boise City Accessible Parking Committee); Ada County Highway Dist., Policy Manual, http://www.achdidaho.org/AboutACHD/PolicyManual.aspx (district controls all roads in Boise City).
 City of Boise, Idaho, City Code § 4-13-03 (2015) (designating Boise City Historic Preservation Commission as entity tasked with reviewing historic buildings).
 See supra note 38.
 See, e.g., City & Cty. of San Francisco, Cal., General Plan, Environmental Protection Element, Objective 13, Enhance the Energy Efficiency of Housing in San Francisco, http://www.sf-planning.org/ftp/general_plan/I6_Environmental_Protection.htm#ENV_EGY_12 (last visited Oct. 9, 2015).
 See, e.g., 7 Miller & Starr Cal. Real Est. §25:25 (4th ed. 2015) (“As a general rule, the building official is required to issue a permit if the application is in order, the proposed use is one permitted by the zoning ordinance, the proposed structures comply both with zoning conditions and with the applicable building codes, and any other conditions imposed on the development or subdivision approval.”).
 See supra note 41.
 2014 IPCC Mitigation Report, supra note 9, §12.5.3.
 132 S. Ct. 1367 (2012).
 Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief, Sackett v. United States Environmental Protection Agency, 2010 WL 7634112 at *7 (2010) (“[The Sacketts] applied for and obtained the requisite building permits.”).
 Sackett v. E.P.A., 132 S. Ct. at 1370.
 Id. at 1371 (holding that the administrative compliance order was a final agency action for purposes of the Administrative Procedure Act and thus petitioners could seek judicial review of the order under the Act).
 Id. at 1370.
 40 C.F.R. § 1501.5 (2015) (duties of lead agencies); 40 C.F.R. § 1501.6 (2015) (duties of cooperating agencies).
 See, e.g., Lawrence Susskind et al., Mediating Land Use Disputes: Pros and Cons (Policy Focus Report) 2–5 (Ann LeRoyer ed., Lincoln Institute of Land Policy 2000).
 Craig Anthony Arnold, The Structure of the Land Use Regulatory System in the United States, 22 J. Land Use & Envtl. L. 441, 476 (2007) (noting that “increasingly neighborhood residents are actively participating in developing plans and land use regulations for their neighborhoods through techniques like design charrettes, scenario development, impact assessment, [and] participatory land use mapping”).
 Some have argued that the current air of uncertainty created by Koontz would make such consideration of alternatives more difficult. See Lee Anne Fennell & Eduardo M. Peñalver, Exactions Creep, 2013 S. Ct. Rev. 287, 287–88 (2014) (“By beating back one form of exactions creep—the possibility that local governments will circumvent a too-narrowly drawn circle of heightened scrutiny—the Court [in Koontz] left land use regulation vulnerable to the creeping expansion of heightened scrutiny under the auspices of its exactions jurisprudence.”). On the other hand, it is ironic that environmental review statutes typically require the presentation of project alternatives and thus, in those states with mini-NEPAs, the environmental review process necessitates that the land use process also envision alternatives. See Cal. Pub. Res. Code § 21002 (2015) (California Environmental Quality Act requires that “public agencies should not approve projects as proposed if there are feasible alternatives or feasible mitigation measures available which would substantially lessen the significant environmental effects” of the project.).
 2014 IPCC Adaptation Report, supra note 9, § 126.96.36.199.
 See Maarten K. van Aalsta, Terry Cannonb & Ian Burtonc, Community Level Adaptation to Climate Change: The Potential Role of Participatory Community Risk Assessment, 18 Global Environmental Change 165 (2008).
 See, e.g., California Jurisdictions Addressing Climate Change, Cal. Office of Planning & Research (July 7, 2014), http://www.ca-ilg.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/california_jurisdictions_addressing_climate_change_pdf_0.pdf (list of local governments in California that have adopted plans “to address climate change and/or to reduce GHG emissions”).
 See, e.g., Facts, City & Cty. of San Francisco Planning Dept., http://www.sf-planning.org/index.aspx?page=3419 (noting that, in 2012, total revenue was $24,604,399 and fees accounted for $19,630,295 of costs with just $1,905,311 in General Fund support).
 Becoming a Planner, Am. Planning Ass’n, https://www.planning.org/aboutplanning/becomingaplanner.htm (“In 2004, 43 percent of all APA members (note: approximately one-sixth of the APA members are planning commissioners, officials, or students, who do not have a degree in planning) had earned a master's degree in planning.”).
Monday, June 27, 2016
A unpublished Kentucky case on conservation easements highlights a bunch of things I have been grappling with lately. Thought I'd check in with our readers to see if anyone else has thoughts on Crain v. Hardin County Water District No.2, 2016 WL 3453206, Court of Appeals of Kentucky, June 17, 2016 (unpublished, not to be cited).
The Crains own a 270-acre farm in Hardin County, Kentucky. It has been in the family for generations. In 2004, the Crains conveyed an agricultural conservation easement (ACE) to the Purchase of Agricultural Conservation Easement Cooperation, which is part of the Kentucky Department of Agriculture. In 2013, the Water District decided to build a sewage line through the Crains' property (to facilitate development of a nearby industrial site. The parties were unable to negotiate a price for either fee simple purchase of the area needed or of an easement. The District began the eminent domain process, and through it we learn a few interesting things about CEs.
- Subsurface Land Uses: When the Crains and the District were still in negotiation phase, the Crains expressed concern that a planned pump station would conflict with the ACE. In response, the District agreed not to place any air release valves or any above-ground facilities on the Crains’ property. This brings to mind a discussion I have been in lately with a few people about subsurface disturbance and CEs. Do we automatically assume that all subsurface use of the land is consistent with ACE? Should we take into account likelihood of associated problems like subsidence or leaks? Do we feel less nervous about sewage lines than we might feel about oil or gas lines? Could a landowner or CE holder ever object to subsurface development?
- Condemnation not interfering the CE: There have been many discussions in the land trust community about how eminent domain and CEs. Usually these conversations are dominated by issues of calculating compensation assuming that the exercise of eminent domain on the land will remove the CE. Here, the District contended that the proposed acquisition of utility easement would not interfere with the ACE, whose restrictions would still govern. Indeed, both the state agency holding the ACE and the District agreed that the utility easement would be secondary to the ACE.
- Condemnation in Kentucky: Here, the state CE statute specifically considers eminent domain (a rarity) and explains that certain categories of use are inconsistent with restricted agricultural land. “Landfills, sewage treatment plants and other public service facilities” shall not be located on such lands. But, installation of utility lines (including sewer lines) is specifically permitted. The court found that this was a sewer line and clearly permitted.
- Standing: Here, neither the state agency holding the Agricultural Conservation Easement nor the third party enforcer (the United States Department of Agriculture) challenged the utility easement condemnation process. The landowner argued that the utility easement would be inconsistent with the ACE but the trial court held that the Crains did not have standing to assert the position. The idea seems to be that only a CE holder or someone with an established third party enforcement right have standing to make a challenge based on the CE, not the landowner. While the Court of Appeals does not clearly state that landowners do not have the authority to enforce CEs, it doesn’t examine the CE document to see whether a utility easement would be consistent with it. Presumably this is because the District and holder agreed that the utility easement would play second fiddle.
- Prior Public Use Doctrine: Now, this is a fun one and an argument I had not contemplated before. The prior public use “doctrine provides that land devoted to a public use may not be taken for another public use under the power of eminent domain” in Kentucky. The Crains argued that the ACE was a prior public use, but the court did not agree. Quoting an earlier case, the court explained that just because the public receives some benefit from the land, it doesn’t “mean that the land is being used for a public purpose.” Crain at 4 (quoting Kipling v. City of White Plains, 80 S.W.3d 776 (Ky.App. 2001)). Neither this property covered by an ACE nor the Kipling property that was in an agricultural district had enough of a link to public use. BUT might the answer be different if it was an exacted CE? What if the CE under threat of eminent domain was set aside to satisfy requirements of the Clean Water Act or even just a local development law? Would it change the level of public use? I believe habitat and wetlands easements would easily meet this test. Perhaps a fun tool in the arsenal, but a circumstance that will seldom arise.
Tuesday, June 21, 2016
Call for Papers & Presentations: Idaho Law Review Symposium: Livestock Grazing on Public Lands: Law, Policy & Rebellion
I am delighted to be the faculty adviser for the 2017 Idaho Law Review symposium, which is seeking papers and presentations on the topic below. The students run this show, but I am always happy to answer questions, too.
CALL FOR PAPERS OR PRESENTATIONS
Livestock Grazing on Public Lands: Law, Policy & Rebellion
2017 Idaho Law Review Symposium
The Idaho Law Review invites you to participate in its 2017 symposium, Livestock Grazing on Public Lands: Law, Policy & Rebellion, to be held in Boise, Idaho on March 31, 2017. Livestock grazing on western public lands is a complicated, and often hotly contested subject that deeply influences the economies of rural western places. The Bureau of Land Management currently administers 8,000 permits and leases for livestock grazing, mostly cattle and sheep, on 21,000 allotments that cover nearly two-thirds of the country’s federal public lands. How grazing is managed on such federal public lands, as well as state-owned and tribal lands, plays a singular role in the future of the rural West. Conflicts over grazing have also proven an on-going source of anti-government sentiment, from the Seventies’ Sagebrush Rebellions to recent occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge and the transfer of public lands movement.
We seek papers or presentations that investigate the topic generally. Issues that may be addressed include:
- How should grazing on public lands be managed?
- With increased litigation against federal agencies, should there be a restructuring of livestock grazing laws?
- What are the legal challenges with managing for both grazing of livestock and wildlife (sage grouse, big horn sheep, other endangered species issues)?
- Are there legal solutions to managing both wildlife populations and livestock grazing efficiently on public lands?
- How can communities come up with creative and productive solutions to disagreements on public grazing?
- How can private landowners effectively manage for both livestock grazing and wildlife populations and comply with Endangered Species Act or other federal guidelines?
- What are the implications of using grazing as a tool to eliminate fire hazard and should this be included in federal fire management plans?
- How do Tribal permitting processes differ from other grazing permitting?
- With limited resources, how can land managers best use lands for most beneficial uses?
- How does the resurgence of the Sagebrush Rebellion, especially the recent standoff in Malheur County, affect policy decisions going forward?
- Are there any other legal effects of the Sagebrush Rebellion or other “take-back-the-public-lands” movements?
- What are economic and legal consequences of open range laws versus herding district laws?
- How might private land conservation, such as conservation easements or agricultural easements, assist grazing on public lands?
Symposium papers or presentations addressing the topics above—or others proposed—will be presented at the conference with publications appearing in the Symposium volume in Spring, 2017. We are especially interested in shorter essays (roughly 6,000 to 10,000 words, including references). We will also consider proposals for presentations without essay contributions. Draft abstracts of no more than one page and queries may be addressed to Kaycee Royer, Chief Symposium Editor, at firstname.lastname@example.org, as soon as possible and no later than August 1, 2017.
Travel expenses will be paid for presenters of accepted papers or presentations.
Monday, June 20, 2016
Contemporary Issues in Climate Change Law & Policy, Part 4: Flexible Conservation in Uncertain Times, by Jessica Owley & David Takacs
Land Use Prof Blog is hosting a series of posts that are excerpts from book chapters in the recently released Contemporary Issues in Climate Change Law and Policy: Essays Inspired by the IPCC. The book was co-edited by Robin Kundis Craig (Utah) and me. The posts will progress in the order of the book's chapters. This fourth post is an excerpt from Profs. Jessica Owley & David Takacs' chapter, "Flexible Conservation in Uncertain Times." The entire chapter is available here. Links to previous excerpts are at the bottom of this post.
Buy the book here.
- Techniques and Concepts
Given the urgency of climate change and the uncertainty of which of our proposed solutions will be successful in a given context, we generally advocate for an all-of-the-above approach to climate change (Quick! Everyone do everything they can!). In a no-analog future, we may need innovation laboratories to discern what can work and under what particular conditions. Conservationists generally agree that certain habitat features are desirable. We want to protect species refugia, corridors, and migration pathways. We want to assemble larger parcels and think about connecting them together. Nevertheless, we note that proceeding in such a fashion can lead to piecemeal protection: everyone doing what they can in isolation may not be the most strategic way to maximize conservation outcomes. Conservation planners need some kind of coordinated holistic planning approach on how these individual actions complement each other to sustain human and non-human communities.
As discussed in Part I, many techniques and legal concepts already exist that do or could promote land conservation—particularly land conservation that can help to preserve biodiversity as the climate changes. This Part discusses each of these techniques and concepts in turn. Notably, moreover, many of the techniques we discuss here may also promote socioeconomic climate change adaptation through new sources of income by providing, for example, direct payments for preserving forests, by teaching new conservation-related income-generating skills, or by providing for more secure, formal land title. Managing REDD+, biodiversity offsetting, or debt-for-nature swaps, or securing community-based natural resources management may further institutional adaptation as community leaders, landowners, and government officials develop and manage projects and hone skills and institutions to negotiate effectively with project developers, funders, and government functionaries. We explain each tool in turn below.
A. Public Trust Doctrine
The public trust doctrine is a legal idea dating to the Holy Roman Empire in A.D. 529, when the Emperor Justinian added these words to the body of law by which he ruled: “By the law of nature these things are common to all mankind, the air, running water, the sea and consequently the shores of the sea.” This idea has spread throughout the planet because it encapsulates a fundamental idea: some resources are so vital for human flourishing that the sovereign must steward those resources for the public benefit. Private parties must never be allowed to gain permanent control over these resources.
While the public trust doctrine, as this notion came to be known, began its peripatetic life applied to water, it is now applies much more widely in various locales. Some activists in the United States and elsewhere have been advocating for an expanded use of the public trust doctrine, both in reaching beyond the traditional geographical (beyond the low tide line as discussed below) and topical limits (beyond water) and in extending the purposes for which public resources can be protected and managed. While the classic public trust doctrine was confined to protecting waterways subject to the ebb and flow of tides to enable public rights of navigation and fishing, today’s public trust doctrine encompasses many categories of waterways and land adjacent to waterways for purposes that now include recreation and environmental protection. For example, in one of India’s seminal cases reinstituting the public trust doctrine, the Supreme Court held that a public market and park are public trust resources that may not be given away to a private developer for a shopping center. In South Africa, the 1998 National Environmental Management Act invokes the public trust in an expansive way: “[t]he environment is held in public trust for the people, the beneficial use of environmental resources must serve the public interest and the environment must be protected as the people’s common heritage.” A California appeals court has declared that “it has long been recognized that wildlife are protected by the public trust doctrine” as “they are natural resources of inestimable value to the community as a whole.”
Protection of public resources is vital as climate change reshapes the landscape, and expanded recognition and application of the public trust doctrine could serve as an important tool for both mitigation and adaptation. Unfortunately, public officials and courts in the United States (and elsewhere) have been slow to acknowledge the important role this doctrine could play. As one California court pointed out, “public agencies do not always strike an appropriate balance between protecting trust resources and accommodating other legitimate public interests.”  Indeed, governments may completely ignore the protection of the trust resources. The suggestion that members of the public have no right to object if the agencies entrusted with preservation of wildlife or other resources fail to discharge their responsibilities is contrary to the holding in pivotal California Supreme Court case National Audubon Society and to the entire tenor of the cases recognizing the public trust doctrine elsewhere.
The public thus has the right to demand that government agencies steward resources wisely; such wisdom includes attending to the changing needs of biodiversity as climates change and human needs change accordingly. The public trust doctrine demands that as trust resources evolve, conservation evolves with it. We should continue to acknowledge the rights of citizens to claim sound stewardship of their evolving public trust resources, and courts should recognize that public trust doctrine logically applies to other natural resources including a wide variety of ecosystems and habitat based on the ecosystem services that they can provide the public.
B. Payments for Ecosystem Services
While we can employ the public trust doctrine to press governments to steward resources, we can also employ market forces to pay private citizens to cooperatively protect those resources. IPCC’s Working Group II suggests that “existing and emerging economic instruments” might provide a route to adaptation. The Working Group’s Summary for Policymakers specifically identifies payments for environmental services and subsidies as possible adaptation tools, but cautions that if not used carefully these economic tools “can provide disincentives, cause market failure and decrease equity.” Payments for ecosystem services (PES) is central tenet of many of the economic instruments used in climate change measures. Landowners are remunerated for managing their land to produce or maintain ecosystem services. Ecosystem services are “components of nature, directly enjoyed, consumed, or used to create human wellbeing,” and the concept acknowledges that natural ecosystems perform critical life-supporting services upon which the wellbeing of all society depends. The main ecosystem services are categorized as provisioning, regulating, supportive, and cultural services. Provisioning services include food, water, fiber, and fuel; these have quantifiable market values. Regulating services include flood control, and soil erosion prevention, while supporting services include nutrient cycling and soil formation. Cultural services include recreational use and spiritual values, the values of which are uncertain.
The type, quality, and quantity of services provided by an ecosystem are affected by our resource decisions. When the benefits of an ecosystem service accrue mainly to those who make management decisions (e.g., as in production of crops or livestock), private markets are likely to work relatively well. However, when the benefits of an ecosystem service flow primarily to others, such as with water purification or climate stabilization, public interests and the interests of the resource manager may be misaligned. This difference in private and social benefits, or the problem of externalities, results in a classic market failure: individuals will tend to provide too little of the ecosystem service. PES can serve as “an effective mechanism to translate external, nonmarket values of ecosystem services into financial incentives” for individuals to provide conservation and socioeconomic development.
After identifying important services or amenities provided by ecosystems, we could pay landowners to undertake pro-conservation management practices, such as habitat restoration or practices to reduce soil runoff. Such payment plans can enable private organizations or governments to influence landowner behavior without acquiring a formal property interest in the land or needing extensive regulatory programs. The parties to the contract, moreover, can modify the nature of the requirements or the level of payments as a changing climate changes local and global needs. It’s usually easier to modify contracts than statutes!
This mechanism also enables private organizations to promote land conservation where they believe government entities aren’t adapting quickly enough to prevailing local conditions. Thus, conservation organizations might pay landowners to engage in specific management practices to promote climate change adaptation or even pay landowners to allow the conservation organizations to undertake those management practices. For example, the U.S, Department of Agriculture pays farmers to undertake conservation efforts on their land. Farmers can receive an annual “rental” payment in exchange for maintaining certain vegetative cover. This program focuses on soil conservation and encourages native grasses and other plantings that reduce soil erosion while supporting healthy ecosystems. Prevention of erosion has many benefits, including watershed protection and providing riparian habitat for birds and other species.
Payments for ecosystem services allow those who benefit from ecosystem services to direct and redirect funding to where it is most needed as the needs of human and ecological communities evolve as the climate changes. Costa Rica is the paradigmatic success story—“an icon”—in implementing innovative programs to pay property owners for conserving ecosystem services. Costa Rica’s Payment for Environmental Services program (PES, or PSA, Pagos por Servicios Abientales) was introduced in 1996 in Forestry Law No. 7575, which describes the terms by which property owners with forests, tree plantations, or agroforestry systems are compensated for mitigating GHG emissions, providing hydrological services, conserving biodiversity, and preserving scenic beauty for ecotourism. Since 1997, the program has funded conservation of about 1 million hectares of forests, and forest cover in the nation has grown from 20% in 1987 to over 50% in 2013. Although the program has faced some criticisms—e.g., payments were not directed to priority conservation areas and didn’t consider additionality, i.e., the government paid for areas that would have been conserved anyway—the government has continuously made improvements to target both priority conservation areas and to channel more funds to indigenous communities and women-owned properties.
C. Conservation Easements
While PES is rooted in contract law, conservation easements emerged from traditional property law. For centuries, common law countries have enabled restrictions on private land through servitudes, often in the categories of easements and covenants. The traditional servitudes enable private (or public) parties to limit land use. They could also sometimes be used to achieve environmental protection goals, but common law impediments that restricted who could enter into the agreement, what the agreement could be for, how long it could last, and whether it could be transferred made conservationists hesitant to use them. To get around these problems, states enacted conservation easement statutes that enabled government agencies and nonprofit organizations to hold perpetual restrictions on land. Conservation easements prohibit landowners from acting in otherwise permissible ways with the goal of yielding a conservation benefit. For example, in many conservation easements, the landowner agrees to limit development on her land, and the conservation easement holder is the entity that can enforce the agreement. In exchange for agreeing to this limitation, the landowner usually receives tax breaks, cash payments, or permits to develop elsewhere.
Most conservation easements are perpetual, and their stipulations allow for little or no change. The current landowner and conservation easement holder determine the specifics of the agreement temporally (by naming the length of the conservation easement’s term), spatially (by drawing the conservation easement boundaries), and ecologically (by establishing the exact restrictions on the land). These conservation easements run with the land. In other words, when an owner sells her property, the new owner must also abide by the terms of the agreement. While some conservation easements may use management plans and rely on adaptive management procedures to respond to changing conditions, many conservation easements state that the property is to be preserved in its “natural state.” A baseline document (required by the IRS for donated conservation easements) makes it likely that the natural state will be assessed by comparison to the conditions of the property on the day the conservation easement was recorded.
Conservation easements are a useful tool for climate change in both mitigation and adaptation programs. The ability to tailor the agreements to the landscape and to ensure long-term protection of natural resources is invaluable. Indeed, many of the other conservation tools we discuss often work alongside conservation easements. However, the classic perpetual static conservation easement will not always be the ideal tool to meet conservation goals. Some modifications of the classic tool can yield benefits as well. For example, non-perpetual conservation easements may be appropriate in many circumstances. These could take different forms: term conservation easements that expire on a specified date or perhaps renewable conservation easements in which the holder retains an option to terminate the agreement if it no longer makes sense for protection of the land’s conservation values. Some suggest that removing perpetuity from conservation easements without clear guidelines for modification is unlikely to reduce the vulnerability of conserved lands to climate change. However, land trusts may find term conservation easements an attractive path because they allow the holder or the community to change its mind about which lands to conserve and what the restrictions on those lands should be. Other land trusts are looking at their holdings and wishing some of the agreements weren’t perpetual, expressing the concern that they haven’t protected the right lands and are now stuck with stewardship obligations over lands they no longer view as desirable for meeting their conservation goals. There may also be a hybrid approach where the conservation easement remains in place but there are requirements to periodically revisit and reassess the terms of the agreement. This arrangement would allow incorporation of principles of adaptive management.
Conservation easements have largely been couched in terms of negative restrictions. That is, they tell landowners what they can’t do. They rarely require affirmative obligations by the landowners. When they do, those obligations tend to be minimal, like keeping certain areas landscaped or, in rare circumstances, requirements to control invasive species or engage in pest management. Conservation easements also rarely enable the holder to undertake conservation activities on the land. While some conservation easements have provisions for public access or periodic visits to the land, it may be more desirable to enable holders to restore degraded habitat, relocate species to or from the land, or remove invasive flora and fauna. Most land trusts, the private land conservation organizations that hold conservation easements, are not well equipped currently to undertake active land management. They often have few employees, most of whom are not trained in ecology, conservation biology, or restoration. Changing the framework of conservation easements to make them more active sites of conservation work will involve engaging new players in the effort. Where the holders are government agencies, such expertise may already be available on staff or in other units. Either way, we may see contracting out for active conservation expertise and labor. The climate change-addled future may see a blossoming of new economic livelihoods from restoring the planet.
Some tools inspired by conservation easements are only now entering into use or being proposed. One example is the use of real estate options. Where it appears possible that a specific parcel will become an important building block in a landscape protection system, options may become attractive. An option is the right to buy a conservation easement or full title ownership to a property at a future point for a specified price. Options can keep future alternatives open without requiring the investment needed for immediate purchase. They can enable planning for an uncertain future, identifying multiple potential sites for species or ecosystem migration and asserting control over larger land area without the level of investment needed for purchase of full title or conservation easements.
Annuity or endowment conservation easements occur when a conservation organization wants to protect a parcel of land but is not sure whether the land will retain its conservation value in the future. Rather than paying the landowner up-front for the conservation easement, the conservation organization invests what it would otherwise pay for a perpetual conservation easement in an annuity. As the annuity accrues interest or increases in value, the holder transfers those funds to the landowner for as long as the organization wishes to retain the conservation easement. If the holder decides to terminate the conservation easement, it stops making payments. So long as the conservation organization makes the payments, however, the conservation easement can last in perpetuity.
Recognizing that the land important for conservation can change over time in response to changes in sea level, habitat, and the like, it may be desirable to design conservation easements (or a succession of them) that “move” in response to climate conditions. An inspiration for this is a rolling easement along a shoreline that shifts as the high water mark shifts. The public trust doctrine discussed above recognizes a public right of use and access to coastal areas. The line demarcating public ownership varies, but whether set at low tide, high tide, or the vegetation line (for some examples), it is a line that will be changing with sea level rise and other complications resulting from climate change. In the United States, the law generally recognizes that as the line changes, the property that we consider part of the public trust (and thus either owned by the state or imbued with a public trust easement protecting access and use of the area) shifts. While it is not yet clear how this concept would work with changing property owners (or with the constraints on donated conservation easements), rolling conservation easements limiting development and land use would be more closely tied to ecological boundaries than property lines. In particular, sea level rise projections predict submergence, coastal flooding, and coastal erosion with very high confidence, suggesting that there may be a place for tools like rolling conservation easements and shifting rules regarding protected areas.
Even within the context of the traditional rolling coastal easement that demarcates the line between public access and use and private property, there may be opportunities for developing better conservation tools. The rules governing the boundaries of public trust property (or a public trust easement) often vary depending on the rate of the shifts in the sea level. Usually, shifts in shoreline occur gradually over the course of years or decades. Many states therefore adopt an average of the mean high tide line to determine which lands are public trust lands and which are private (and therefore belong to adjoining property). Where the change happens quickly, as with a storm surge, the property line doesn’t generally change. The reasoning for this rule is that it would be overly harsh to make such dramatic changes to private property lines. This reasoning is often not that persuasive, particularly where current IPCC reports and other studies continually improve our understanding of the likely levels of sea level rise and the increasing frequencies of storm surges and other coastal events. One approach may be not that the actual title and occupancy to the land needs to change hands but that we expand the public trust zone by having an expansive public easement over the private land in that area that lets those who need it have access to the shoreline and enables public entities to take measures to protect important resources and habitats. Indeed, states already have a lot of variation on their interpretation of these boundaries and judicial interpretation of the doctrine to encompass greater ecosystem protection in the context of climate change is not unrealistic.
Although not currently consistent with all state and federal laws regarding conservation easements, tradable or moveable conservation easements could provide an opportunity to shift conserved lands as the landscape changes. These may be more politically palatable than the idea of a rolling easement. With a predefined agreement between a landowner and conservation easement holder, tradable conservation easements could be terminated at any point so long as the proceeds of the termination are reinvested in another conservation easement that meets the same conservation values. This strategy is already legally possible with preservation of property in fee simple (that is, holding full title to the parcel), if perhaps cumbersome. Adding this agility to conservation easements could provide greater flexibility when the value of particular land changes in the face of climate change.
D. Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation: REDD+
As the Working Group III’s Summary for Policy Makers notes, “[p]olicies governing agricultural practices and forest conservation and management are more effective when involving both mitigation and adaptation. . . . When implemented sustainably, activities to reduce emission from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+ is an example designed to be sustainable) are cost-effective policy options for mitigating climate change, with potential economic, social and other environmental and adaptation co-benefits. . . .” In REDD+, a local community, individual landowner, private developer, or government entity reforests degraded land or preserves a forest that would otherwise be felled. The actor may then sell the stored carbon in that land or forest for a contracted period to entities that want to offset their GHG emissions or simply want to preserve forests. REDD+ may happen on a project-by-project basis. Increasingly, however, it is operating on a broader scale: A nation, province, or state uses REDD+ funds to reduce deforestation or promote reforestation in a wide geographic area, resulting in greater stored carbon than would have occurred without the funding.
REDD+ blurs the bounds between global mitigation and local adaptation. REDD+ mitigates climate change when trees retain carbon that deforestation would otherwise release, or if new growth absorbs extra carbon dioxide. Additionally, maintaining healthy forests helps communities adapt to climate change by sustaining ecosystem services—preventing erosion, increasing rainfall, buffering floods, cleansing drinking water, and harboring crop pollinators—and by preserving biodiversity crucial for human survival. REDD+ investments can promote socioeconomic climate change adaptation through new sources of income and by providing for more secure, formal land title. REDD+ may also further institutional adaptation as community leaders, landowners, and government officials develop and manage REDD+ projects and hone skills and institutions to negotiate effectively with project developers and government functionaries.
Governments, international financial institutions, environmental and social justice NGOs, and private citizens have poured over US$5 billion into REDD+ thus far. REDD+ financing may be one of the best friends tropical biodiversity has ever had, provided that safeguards to emphasize biodiversity protection are incorporated into REDD+ finance deals. The Climate, Community, and Biodiversity Alliance, a consortium of businesses, technical advising agencies, and environmental and social welfare NGOs, has issued the most widely used standards to ensure positive biodiversity and social welfare benefits for individual projects. A formal verification process ensures that when a state, province, or nation that pledges to reduce deforestation over a larger area in exchange for REDD+ funding, it actually does so, and that the implementing entity adheres to the guidelines that ensure biodiversity and social welfare co-benefits. Even more money should be flowing into REDD+ thanks to agreements on social and environmental safeguards, a regime of measuring, monitoring, reporting, and verifying REDD+ outcomes, and a system of REDD+ financing reached in advance of the UNFCCC Conference of Parties in Paris in December 2015. The 2015 Paris Agreement itself reaffirms the role of REDD+ in mitigating climate change while calling for “results-based payments” and “reaffirming the importance of incentivizing, as appropriate, non-carbon benefits associated” with REDD+. REDD+ funding priorities may shift as climate change shifts the landscape and thus conservation needs arise in new or unexpected locales, but for now REDD+ seems certain to expand across multiple landscapes.
E. Biodiversity Offsets
Biodiversity offsetting translates the logic of carbon offsetting—because greenhouse gases are fungible, let the market figure out where it makes best economic sense to mitigate their buildup in the atmosphere—into something more sweeping. In more than three dozen jurisdictions, developers are allowed to destroy biodiversity—individual species, particular ecosystems—in one place in exchange for protecting biodiversity elsewhere. As in REDD+, success of biodiversity offsetting is all about wise, participatory planning to map where and why we want development and where and why we want nature. If done well, biodiversity offsetting allows experts to plan for maximum flexibility and resilience in face of climate change. If biodiversity offsetting works as its backers promise, then it’s a win-win situation on a landscape level: jurisdictions encourage economic development where it is needed and can prioritize conservation where it makes the greatest ecological sense. For the regulated entity—the developer, the citizen wishing to build a home, even the government—offsets may reduce the costs of compliance with environmental laws and offer sensible flexibility for how to respond to laws protecting biodiversity. For conservationists, offsets can help incentivize conservation on private land and can channel protection efforts to where they will do endangered species and ecosystems the most good.
To fulfill their promise, biodiversity offsets must both mitigate the original damage and enhance the chance for a species to survive. Let’s put aside for the moment the question of whether it is ethically legitimate to harm one biological community (and perhaps harm the human communities that depend upon those biological communities) in exchange for biodiversity mitigation elsewhere. In the name of preservation of an imperiled species or ecosystem, conservation biology may support offsetting. Conservation biologists often note that single large reserves are more ecologically sustainable, and may offer better long-term resilience, than several smaller reserves of the same surface area.Larger reserves may lessen fragmentation where scraps of isolated habitat fail to provide area to support minimum viable population sizes or corridors to connect isolated populations, and thus provide more resilient species response to climate change. Larger areas may support larger populations that are more likely survive disturbances and “edge effects” from surrounding habitats whose biota may invade and conquer the desired rare species. Smaller preserves may allow species nowhere to go, creating islands of the doomed. In sum, the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service suggests, “larger reserves are more likely to ensure ecosystem functions, foster biodiversity, and provide opportunities for linking existing habitat.”
Mitigation banks are part of a market for ecosystem services and environmental amenities. The two most common types of mitigation banks are those for wetlands and those for endangered species habitat. Mitigation banks are created (often by for-profit private corporations but not necessarily) by setting aside areas of land to promote healthy wetlands or endangered species habitat. With wetlands, for example, often the bank buys existing or degraded wetlands and puts in place management plans to promote a healthy functioning wetland. The governmental agencies overseeing the bank (in the case of wetlands in the United States, it is usually the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers) work with the bank to quantify the value of the wetlands. They rank the wetlands on a scale of how valuable/rich/healthy the wetland is. The Corps then approves the bank to sell credits. The marketplace determines the price tag on those credits. Developers engaging in projects that harm or degrade wetlands then buy credits from the bank to compensate (or mitigate) for the environmental damage they are causing. Thus, wetlands mitigation banking turns wetlands into a fungible asset.
Government agencies may be responsible for biodiversity offsetting, as in when developers pay “in lieu” fees and officials use those fees to prioritize conservation in priority areas, such as Natural Community Conservation Plans or regional Habitat Conservation Plans in the United States (discussed below). Keeping offsetting in the hands of the government may make it more likely that democratically accountable institutions are balancing competing needs and prioritizing correctly. Biodiversity offsetting can provide money in the form of payments to help cash-strapped governments do what they might otherwise not be able to afford to do. In Australia, for example, New South Wales is newly prioritizing “biobanking,” as it encourages “offsets on land that is strategically important for biodiversity in NSW, such as land adjacent to rivers, streams and wetlands and important mapped biodiversity corridors. Establishing offset sites in these areas may generate additional biodiversity credits, which can be sold by landowners.” A review of the potential of biodiversity offsetting in New South Wales notes that the government supplies only enough funds to manage 19% of species that are threatened. Offsetting will potentially pour billions of dollars into biodiversity conservation. Kiesecker et al. note that a single oil and gas field pumped US$24.5 million into a biodiversity mitigation fund in Wyoming, compared to US$4 million otherwise available for wildlife conservation.
Some critics allege that biodiversity offsetting is just a sop for developers to circumvent existing, effective conservation laws. Arguably, the existence of mitigation banks facilitates conversion of already-existing habitat. The ability to purchase credits can hamper pressure to minimize impacts or to find alternative mitigation opportunities. However, for the UK’s leading biodiversity offset private company, “It is not a license to trash, it is the complete opposite. When you put a value on biodiversity, you are putting a financial incentive for developers not to trash it.” In the continental United States, private parties own 73% of the land; half of all endangered and threatened species have at least 80% of their necessary habitat on private land. Through biodiversity offsetting, endangered species become assets to a property owner to steward, not a liability to dread or even surreptitiously destroy. Once a price is put on biodiversity, private landowners have an economic incentive to manage their land for conservation. By one estimate, over US$1 billion/year is spent on biodiversity and ecosystem mitigation. Thus, money provides jobs and boosts economic vitality in rural areas.
On the other hand, much of the money may go to private, for-profit biodiversity bankers as the offsetters. Offsetting creates a new class of “enviroproneurs” who can participate in “free market” (although the market depends on formal statutes that require conservation in the first place!) solutions to environmental conservation. Such bankers may have particular restoration or conservation expertise and thus earn profit from sound stewardship, making conservation an economic asset rather than a liability. Under the U.S. Endangered Species Act, federal agencies can offset anticipated takes (i.e., destruction or harm) of listed species by investing in private biodiversity banks. Private citizens can use banking offsets to help fulfill the requirements of the habitat conservation plan required when the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service (USFWS) issues an incidental take permit allowing the property owner to “take” listed species. The USFWS has approved over 100 biodiversity banks in 11 states covering nearly 100,000 acres for more than 60 listed species.
Some biodiversity banks we visited in central California and Victoria and Queensland, Australia, were situated in prime habitat in ecologically prudent locations and saved land that otherwise would have been destroyed, or were well-restored prior agricultural land now hosting endangered species where otherwise such conservation would not have existed. Offsetting programs can also generate funding and support for other efforts. The Queensland Trust for Nature, for example, is using biodiversity offsetting not only to preserve crucial koala corridors, but also to raise funds for their other conservation efforts. Biodiversity offset programs can sometimes be a model of corporate social responsibility: Paul Detmann, who is one of Victoria’s prime biobankers, expresses his company’s philosophy:
Cassinia Environmental has a very long-term vision of reconnecting all of Australia’s National Parks through a network of private land managed for conservation. We call this vision Biolinking Australia—and it’s a goal we share with many other conservation organizations. . . . Biolinking Australia is both a company and a vision. We have a 100-year plan to see all Australia’s significant natural assets connected through linkages—connecting private and public lands of environmental significance into a network of natural linkages. . . .
Not all stories were as hopeful, though. Some of the U.S. wetland and habitat banks we visited had been severely degraded as a result of a lack of adequate caretaking and were secured with uncertain legal instruments. Moreover, democratically responsible governments may have a wider view of what both human and nonhuman communities need; if private offsetting is to be allowed, it should be under constant watchful government supervision. If done right, offsetting may provide great benefits to biodiversity, now and as climate changes the landscape.
Biodiversity offsetting programs can be part of larger landscape level protection efforts. As noted above, conservation biologists often advocate for large reserves for the protection of biodiversity. At the same time, biodiversity advocates increasingly call for comprehensive conservation planning in the context of comprehensive development planning. Such planning will become even more urgent as climate change alters what both human and nonhuman communities require to survive. Resilient ecological communities support resilient human communities. Rather than a project-by-project atomization of individual habitat conservation plans (where a given developer must mitigate her impacts on formally listed endangered species), such comprehensive plans would seek to identify and plan for “the full range of biological features, how they are currently distributed, and what minimum viability needs each biological target require to persist in the long term.” Successful programs must result from a public process, including government officials, environmental advocates, business interests, biologists, and representatives of the general public. Such participatory conservation planning, often incorporating private landowners as newly converted conservation allies, allows communities the space to plan sound development and conservation and the space to change their minds if climate change shapes the landscapes in unanticipated ways.
California has pioneered Natural Community Conservation Plans (NCCPs), which “review the landscape area by area and species by species, yielding a list of types of terrain that might be purchased for mitigation, such as creek side corridors, alkali wetlands and meadows, and serpentine rock types home to rare and specially adapted species.” In most NCCPs, developers pay the government fees that the government invests in biodiversity targets; these fees could just as easily be invested in privately run biodiversity banks. Supporters of offsetting point to the sound conservation planning and public buy-in for this kind of landscape-level planning, providing money for conservation that is less acrimonious and more likely to accommodate human and nonhuman needs. Additionally, planning at this scale can enable protection of larger areas of land and put conservation programs in place before development projects even begin. This advanced protection has the potential (but yet to be widely realized) advantage of enabling conservationists to evaluate the success of conservation projects before permitting development.
The U.S. Department of Interior supports streamlined approval for renewable energy projects in California’s deserts, and thus “[m]itigation is being baked into an integrated, landscape-level management and planning exercise.” This program gives greater certainty to permit applicants and the public, and promotes “meaningful, landscape-level environmental needs–rather than small-bore and/or ad hoc mitigation efforts.” Incorporating biodiversity offsetting at an early stage means that parties can plan ahead so that both agencies and developers know what they have to do, and environmental advocates and conservation biologists can advise on where large new sources of cash can do the most good for biodiversity. According to the Bureau of Land Management, “a regional mitigation approach also shifts the BLM’s mitigation focus from a permit-by-permit perspective to a proactive regional-scale mitigation planning perspective.”
One or more conservation organizations or governments could create a landscape-scale reserve in which the protections afforded to any particular area is dynamic and flexible over time. As conditions change and species and habitats move, the level and type of protection applicable to any portion of the reserve also would change. For example, one area of the reserve might initially be open to agriculture but then restored to native habitat at a later point if a species moves in that direction. In some cases, a sound strategy for land conservation is simply to create room for adaptation. The Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) has developed programs along these lines. For example, through the greater sage-grouse habitat exchange, landowners in the western United States are incentivized to engage in proactive measures “to grow habitat” for sage grouse, including controlling the expansion of undesirable vegetation and invasive species, and restoring appropriate habitat on degraded land. Scientists evaluate the landowners’ efforts and assign them a credit value. The landowners can then sell this credit to industries and developers looking to offset the impacts of their projects. Promoted as a win-win solution, the program protects and increases habitat while providing an income stream for landowners. Developers also find the program desirable because it gives them a marketplace to buy credits and removes the onerous task of developing new mitigation projects for each new proposal. Although this EDF example concentrates on one type of species habitat, related programs could address broader goals. The Department of Interior is pursuing this philosophy on a grander scale as it seeks protections and new funding sources for the sage grouse and lesser prairie chicken, whose habitats stand in the way of oil and gas development in the American West, and who have chosen to live largely in Republican congressional districts where support for endangered species protection at the property owners’ expense is not robust.
F. Debt for Nature Swaps
After gaining independence from colonizing northern nations, many southern governments, desperate to improve their citizens’ quality of life, entered into loan agreements with the World Bank and other lending institutions and donor governments. Many borrowing nations then found themselves unable to pay back their debts (totaling over US$1 trillion) without exploiting their natural resources via extractive industries such as mining and logging to earn hard currency. It’s precisely these resources—clean water, intact forests—citizens will require even more urgently as they adapt to an increasingly capricious climate.
In debt-for-nature swaps, lenders cancel or reduce debt in a developing nation if, instead, the nation invests the money (that otherwise would have flown from South to North) in actions to preserve nature within the country. While critiqued for their threats to sovereignty, legitimation of “illegitimate” debt, and possible interference with the participation and property rights of indigenous or other local peoples, when done carefully, debt-for-nature swaps can result in win-win-win results. When developing nations—and their sovereign indigenous groups—are full (and not coerced) participants, debt-for-nature swaps may enhance climate change mitigation and adaptation in the same way REDD+ can: through reducing greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and degradation while, and through preserving local ecosystem services and the cultures dependent on those services.
For example, in one successful U.S.-funded (US$2 million) debt-for-nature swap in Bangladesh, local groups receive land rights and in turn reforested denuded hills and received training in alternative (to forest destruction) income generation, thus providing more land for conservation, greater buffering from erosion and flooding, and local institutional adaptation. Debt-for-nature swaps could also be used to help developing nations fulfill their treaty obligations under the Convention on Biological Diversity and other multilateral environmental agreements whose obligations are good on paper, but are often difficult to fulfill for cash-strapped governments. By allowing a nation to pay off its debts through investing in homegrown conservation solutions, debt-for-nature swaps could be reinvigorated as a means to facilitate climate change adaptation.
G. Community-Based Natural Resource Management
There’s only so much land that a given government can afford to set aside as public conservation lands and only so many private citizens willing to burden their properties with conservation easements. REDD+ and biodiversity offsetting are two ways to incentivize conservation for a no-analog climate change future. Some nations are also experimenting with directly incentivizing conservation by turning over management of biodiversity to local community groups, who may then profit directly from ecotourism. Wildlife, particularly in developing countries, requires cooperation from local people if it is to persist; limiting wildlife to formal protected areas shrinks the potential pool of lands where conservation can occur and limits migration corridors, both of particular concern as climate change reshapes habitats and requires both greater genetic variability and larger areas where wildlife may be able to thrive in the future.
Much of the world’s land is formally owned by national governments. In some cases, those governments are finding it advantageous to devolve certain property rights to local community groups. For example, Namibia has established fifty local community conservancies; each conservancy is then legally enabled to manage biodiversity and benefit from visitors who wish to see (or even hunt, sustainably) the nation’s spectacular wildlife. Thus, even if the land is still legally owned by the national government, management and benefits accruing from tourism now rests in the hands of local communities. In one analysis, when they benefit directly from biodiversity, “many local people see wild animals, even troublesome animals such as elephants and rhino, as a key to an improved future.” In Namibia, half the elephants live outside of officially protected areas, but the elephant populations have rebounded because community-based natural resource management has given extra incentive to communities to patrol against poaching.
Community-based natural resource management not only maximizes the area in which biodiversity may thrive, it also maximizes corridors for flora and fauna to migrate as local ecological conditions change, stabilizes healthy local ecosystem services, and provides institutional adaptation as communities develop organizational structures to work together to manage their environmental resources. For community-based natural resource management to work, communities must have clearly delineated property rights, management responsibilities, and economic incentives. The programs are most successful where the natural resource decisions then made are supported by science and flexible enough to incorporate principles of adaptive management and resilience thinking.
Community-based natural resource management can meet other goals related to community development, as well. When conservation occurs only in areas set aside and designated for conservation, we create a dichotomy between areas where people live and work and areas dedicated to “nature.” This approach focuses on isolating and protecting designated environmental areas or amenities from human impact. Implicit is the assumption that human activity will negatively affect environmental resources and, therefore, human interaction with those resources should be eliminated, reduced, or controlled. Conservation, obviously, requires land devoted to activities other than intense human appropriation of primary production. Yet, that need not mean exclusion of all humans and their activities from the land.
 See, e.g., James R. Sedell et al., Role of Refugia in Recovery from Disturbances: Modern Fragmented and Disconnected River Systems, 14 Envtl. Mgmt 711 (1990); Francis Gilbert et al., Corridors Maintain Species Richness in the Fragmented Landscapes of a Microecosystem, 265 Proceedings B of the Royal Society 577 (1998); Frank R. Moore et al., Habitat Requirements During Migration: Important Link in Conservation, in Ecology and Management of Neotropical Migratory Birds, 121 (Thomas E. Martin & Deborah E. Finch, eds., 1995).
 California Department of Fish and Wildlife, Conservation and Mitigation Banking, https://www.wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Planning/Banking (last visited Oct. 11, 2015); U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Guidance for the Establishment, Use, and Operation of Conservation Banks 4, 6 (2003).
 Jared E. Knicley, Debt, Nature, and Indigenous Rights: Twenty-Five Years of Debt-For Nature Evolution, 36 Harv. Envtl. L. Rev. 79, 81 (2012); see also Arannayk Foundation, http://www.arannayk.org/curproject_biram.php (last visited Sept. 3, 2015); Richard Tipper, Helping Indigenous Farmers to Participate in the International Market for Carbon Services: The Case of Scolel Té, in Selling Forest Environmental Services: Market-Based Mechanisms for Conservation and Development 223, 232 (Stefano Pagiola et al., eds., 2002); Margaret Skutsch et al., Alternative Models for Carbon Payments to Communities under REDD+: A Comparison Using the Polis Model of Actor Inducements, 14 Envtl. Sci. & Pol’y 140, 143 (2011); Promode Kant, REDD Should Create Jobs, Not Merely Bring Compensation 3 (Inst. of Green Econ., Working Paper No. 13, 2010), available at http://www.igrec.in/REDD_should_create_Jobs_Not_merely_bring_ compensation.pdf.
 David Takacs, Conservation International, Forest Carbon + Property Rights 25-26, 37, 38 51, 62 (2009) [hereinafter Takacs, Forest Carbon + Property Rights]; Ashwini Chhatre et al., Social Safeguards and Co-Benefits in REDD+: A Review of the Adjacent Possible, 4 Current Opinion in Envtl. Sustainability 654, 655 (2012); 2008 Forest Group, Katoomba Group & UNEP, Payments for Ecosystem Services: Getting Started 10 (2008), available at http://www.katoombagroup.org/documents/publications/GettingStarted.pdf; William D. Sunderlin et al., Rights & Res. Initiative, From Exclusion to Ownership? Challenges and Opportunities, in Advancing Forest Tenure Reform 29–30 (2008).
 Chhatre et al., supra note 53, at 657; Patricia Nelson, An African Dimension to the Clean Development Mechanism: Finding a Path to Sustainable Development in the Energy Sector, 32 Denv. J. Int’l. L. & Pol’y 615, 623 (2004); Alfred Ofosu-Ahenkorah, CDM Participation and Credit Pricing, in Africa, in Equal Exchange: Determining a Fair Price for Carbon 127, 133 (Glenn Hodes & Sami Kamel, eds., 2007).
 David Takacs, The Public Trust Doctrine, Environmental Human Rights, and the Future of Private Property, 16 NYU Envtl. L. J. 711, 771 (2008).
 Joseph L. Sax, The Public Trust Doctrine in Natural Resource Law: Effective Judicial Intervention, 68 Mich. L. Rev. 471, 484 (1970); Takacs, supra note 55, at 713–15.
 Takacs, supra note 55, at 79.
 M.I. Builders Pvt. Ltd. v. Radhey Shyam Sahu, (1999) S.C.C. 464 (India).
 National Environmental Management Act of 1998, Ch.1, § 2(4)(o), available at https://www.environment.gov.za/sites/default/files/legislations/nema_amendment_act107.pdf (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 Center for Biological Diversity v. FPL Group, Inc, 83 Cal. Rptr. 3d 588, 597, 599 (Cal. App. 1st Dist. 2008).
 Id. at 602.
 National Audubon Soc’y v. Super. Court., 658 P.2d 709, 732 (1983).
 Robin Kundis Craig, A Comparative Guide to the Western States' Public Trust Doctrines: Public Values, Private Rights, and the Evolution Toward an Ecological Public Trust, 37 Ecology L. Q. 53, 80 (2010).
 A current focus of public trust doctrine advocates is asserting that the doctrine applies to climate stability and air quality as embodied in the atmospheric trust litigation. Mary Christina Wood, The Planet on the Docket: Atmospheric Trust Litigation to Protect Earth’s Climate System and Habitability, 9 Fla. A&M L. Rev. 1 (2015).
 2014 IPCC Adaptation Report, supra note 3, at 26.
 Evan Mercer et al., Taking Stock: Payments for Forest Ecosystem Services in the United States, Forrest Trends: Ecosystem Marketplace 1 (2011), available at www.forest-trends.org/documents/files/doc_2673.pdf.
 James Boyd & Spencer Banzhaf, Resources for the Future, What are Ecosystem Services?: The Need for Standardized Environmental Accounting Units 8 (2006), available at http://www.rff.org/rff/Documents/RFF-DP-06-02.pdf.
 Pushpam Kumar et al. , Behavioral Foundation of Response Policies Management: What Can We Learn from Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), 10 Ecosystem Services 128, 129 (2014).
 Jack B. Kelsey et al., Designing Payments for Ecosystem Services: Lessons from Previous Experience with Incentive Based Mechanisms, 105 PNAS 9465, 9465 (2008).
 Hua Zheng et al., Benefits, Costs, and Livelihood Implications of a Regional Payment for Ecosystem Service Program, 110 PNAS 16681,16681 (2014).
 USDA, Natural Resources Conservation Service, Conservation Reserve Program, http://www.nrcs.usda.gov/wps/portal/nrcs/detail/national/programs/?cid=stelprdb1041269 (last visited Aug. 18, 2015).
 Takacs, Forest Carbon + Property Rights, supra note 53, at 40.
 Porras et al., supra note 80, at 8.
 Id. at 10–11, 53; Takacs, Forest Carbon + Property Rights, supra note 53, at 44.
 Federico Cheever, Public Good and Private Magic in the Law of Land Trusts and Conservation Easements: A Happy Present and a Troubled Future, 73 Denv. U. L. Rev. 1077, 1081 (1996) (contrasting conservation easements with traditional easements). See generally Gerald Korngold, Private Land Use Agreements: Easements, real Covenants, and Equitable Servitudes (2d ed. 2004).
 Jessica Owley, The Emergence of Exacted Conservation Easements, 84 Nebraska L. Rev. 1043, 1075–82 (2006).
 Mary Ann King & Sally K. Fairfax, Public Accountability and Conservation Easements: Learning from the Uniform Conservation Easement Act Debates, 46 Nat. Resources J. 65, 71–72 (2006) (describing the Uniform Conservation Easement Act and other state enabling acts).
 See, e.g., San Juan Preservation Trust, Conservation Easement, http://sjpt.org/what-you-can-do/conserve-your-land-2/conservation-options/conservation-easements/ (last visited Oct. 7, 2015) (describing conservation easements to protect land in its “natural state”); Southwest Michigan Land Conservancy, Why Protect Your Land, http://www.swmlc.org/content/why-protect-your-land (last visited Oct. 7, 2015) (describing conservation easements as protecting land “in its natural state forever”).
 Elizabeth Byers & Karin Marchetti Ponte, The Conservation Easement Handbook 100–115 (2005) (describing conservation easement baseline requirements and offering guidelines for completing a baseline report).
 For a discussion and critique of baselines, see generally J.B. Ruhl & James Salzman, Gaming the Past: The Theory and Practice of Historic Baselines in the Administrative State, 64 Vanderbilt L. Rev. 1 (2011).
 Nancy A. McLaughlin, Conservation Easements: Perpetuity and Beyond, 34 Ecology L.Q. 673, 708 (2007); Jessica Owley, Changing Property in a Changing World: A Call for the End of Perpetual Conservation Easements, 30 Stan. Envtl L. J. 121, 163 (2011).
 Adena R. Rissman, Evaluating Conservation Effectiveness and Adaptation in Dynamic Landscapes, 74 Law & Contemp. Problems 145, 166–67 (2011).
 Confidential interviews with land trust employees.
 See Owley, supra note 98, at 163.
 Alexander R. Arpad, Comment, Private Transactions, Public Benefits, and Perpetual Control over the Use of Real Property: Interpreting Conservation Easements as Charitable Trusts, 37 Real Prop. Prob. & Tr. J. 91, 112–21 (2002) (explaining that the affirmative aspect of conservation easements is often ignored).
 Jessica Owley & Adena Rissman, Trends in Private Land Conservation: Increasing Complexity, Shifting Conservation Purposes and Allowable Private Land Uses, 51 Land Use Pol’y 76-84 (2016)
 See Jessica Owley, Conservation Easements at the Climate Change Crossroads, 74 Law & Contemp. Probs 199, 223 (2011) (describing both the potential need for and the problems with active land management by conservation easement holders). See also Rissman, supra note 91 (describing role land trust could play in adaptive management while acknowledging the short comings of such organizations).
 Federico Cheever & Jessica Owley, Enhancing Conservation Options: An Argument for Statutory Recognition of Options to Purchase Conservation Easements (OPCEs), 40 Harv. Envtl. L. Rev. __ (forthcoming 2016).
 Adena R. Rissman et al., Private Land Conservation & Climate Change: Rethinking Strategies & Tools (forthcoming 2015).
 Not all state conservation easement statutes will accommodate this structure currently (particularly states that require perpetuity) but many will and experimentation with this tool should begin.
 Jesse J. Richardson, Jr., Conservation Easements and Adaptive Management, 3 Sea Grant L. & Pol’y J. 31, 50–51 (2010).
 Richard J. Lazarus, Changing Conceptions of Property and Sovereignty in Natural Resources Law: Questioning the Public Trust Doctrine, 71 Iowa L. Rev. 631, 636 (1986).
 2014 IPCC Adaptation Report, supra note 3, at 17.
 Coastal adaptation could be expensive. Low-lying countries and small island states face different circumstances and rolling easements will make little sense where there isn’t much room to which to roll, but in larger countries with coastal areas, recognizing protection and public use of coastal areas should acknowledge a flux in that coastal area.
 Craig, supra note 63.
 Joseph L. Sax, The Accretion/Avulsion Puzzle: Its Past Revealed, Its Future Proposed, 23 Tul. Envtl. L. J. 305, 343 (2009).
 W. William Weeks, A Tradable Conservation Easement for Vulnerable Conservation Objectives, 74 Law & Contemp. Problems 230, 235–37 (2011).
 The “+” refers to going beyond preserving intact forests and reducing forest degradation, to removing extra carbon from the atmosphere by reforesting degraded land, storing extra GHGs in wetlands, peatlands, and farm lands, and improving forest management. See Takacs, supra note 45, at 658.
 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Climate Change 2014: Mitigation of Climate Change 26 (2014) (internal citations omitted) [hereinafter 2014 IPCC Mitigation Report].
 David Takacs, Forest Carbon Projects and International Law: A Deep Equity Analysis, 22 Geo. Int’l Envtl L. Rev. 521, 532 (2010).
 For overviews on how REDD+ works, see David Takacs, Environmental Democracy and Forest Carbon, 44 Envtl. L. 71 (2014) [hereinafter Takacs, Environmental Democracy]; Takacs, supra note 45.
 Amy E. Duchelle et al., Linking Forest Tenure Reform, Environmental Compliance, and Incentives: Lessons from REDD+ Initiatives in the Brazilian Amazon, 55 World Development 53 (2014). But see Anne M. Larsen, Forest Tenure Reform in the Age of Climate Change: Lessons for REDD+, 21 Global Envtl. Change 540 (2011) (arguing that REDD and REDD+ programs have not been successful at protecting land tenure and securing benefits for local communities); Joanes O. Atela et al., Are REDD Projects Pro-Poor in Their Spatial Targeting? Evidence from Kenya, 52 Applied Geography 14 (2014) (concluding that REDD projects in Kenya were more likely to benefit international companies and low vulnerability areas than to help poor communities).
 See H. Carolyn Peach Brown et al., Climate Change and Forest Communities: Prospects for Building Institutional Adaptive Capacity in the Congo Basin Forests, 43 Ambio 759 (2014).
 International Sustainability Unit, Emergency Finance for Tropical Forests: Two Years on: Is Interim REDD+ Finance Being Delivered as Needed? 7–10 (2011), http://www.pcfisu.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/Two-years-on_Is-interim-REDD+-Finance-being-delivered-as-needed.pdf; see also Forest Trends Initiative, Covering New Ground: State of the Forest Carbon Markets 2013 vii (2013), available at http://www.forest-trends.org/documents/files/SOFCM-full-report.pdf.
 See Climate, Community, & Biodiversity Standards 40–46 (3d ed. 2013), available at https://s3.amazonaws.com/CCBA/Third_Edition/CCB_Standards_Third_Edition_December_2013.pdf.
 REDD+ Social & Environmental Standards 16–17 (2d ed. 2012), available at http://www.redd-standards.org/images/site/Documents/REDDSESVtwo/REDDSES_Version_2_-_10_September_2012.pdf.
 Climate Law & Policy, Unpacking the Warsaw Framework for REDD+ (2014), http://reddcommunity.org/publications/briefing-note-unpacking-warsaw-framework-redd; Gustavo A. Silvez-Chavez, Surprising Development at UN Climate Meetings: REDD+ is Finished, Forest Trends, June 10, 2015, http://forest-trends.org/blog/2015/06/10/surprising-development-at-un-climate-meetings-redd-is-finished/; Subsidiary Body For Scientific and Technological Advice, Methodological Guidance for Activities Relating to Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and the Role of Conservation, Sustainable Management of Forests, and Enhancement of Carbon Stocks in Developing (2015).
 Adoption of the Paris Agreement, UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, Conference of the Parties, Twenty-first session, Paris, 12 Dec 2015, FCCC/CP/2015/L.8,
 Kerry Ten Kate & Michael Crowe, Biodiversity Offsets: Policy Options for Governments, Input paper for the IUCN Technical Study Group on Biodiversity Offsets i (2014).
 Thompson, supra note 23, at 261.
 For a conversation with multiple viewpoints, see Karl Mathiesen, Is Biodiversity Offsetting a ‘License to Trash Nature’? Guardian, May 22, 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2013/nov/12/biodiversity-offsetting-license-trash-nature.
 U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Conservation Banking: Incentives for Stewardship (2012), available at http://www.fws.gov/endangered/esa-library/pdf/conservation_banking.pdf [hereinafter USFWS, Conservation Banking].
 For a good court explanation, see Sierra Club v. Marita, 46 F.3d 606, 618 (7th Cir. 1995).
 USFWS, Guidance for the Establishment, Use, and Operation of Conservation Banks 4 (2003); U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Building a Bank Takes More than Just Snakes (2011), http://www.fws.gov/sacramento/outreach/Featured-Stories/BuildingBanksSnakes/outreach_featured-stories_BuildingBanksSnakes.htm; Marita, 46 F.3d at 618.
 USFWS, Conservation Banking, supra note 120.
 USDA, Natural Resources Conservation Service, Wetland Mitigation Banking, http://www.nrcs.usda.gov/wps/portal/nrcs/main/national/water/wetlands/wmb/ (last visited Sept. 4, 2015).
 WARPT: Wetlands-At-Risk Protection Tool, Estimate Wetland Values, http://www.wetlandprotection.org/estimate-wetland-values.html (last visited Sept. 4, 2015).
 For an example from Brazil, see Juan David Quintero & Aradhna Mathur, Biodiversity Offsets and Infrastructure, 25 Conservation Biology 1121, 1122–23 (2011); Joshua Bishop, Producing and Trading Habitat, or Land Development as a Source of Funding for Biodiversity Conservation, IUCN World Conservation Union (May 10, 2003).
 NSW Government, NSW Biodiversity Offsets Policy for Major Project 8 (2014), available at http://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/resources/biodiversity/140672biopolicy.pdf.
 Neil Byron et al., Independent Biodiversity Legislation Review Panel, A Review of Biodiversity Legislation in NSW (2014), available at http://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/resources/biodiversity/BiodivLawReview.
 Joseph M. Kiesecker et al., Development by Design: Blending Landscape-Level Planning with the Mitigation Hierarchy, 8 Frontiers in Ecology & Env’t. 261, 265 (2009).
 Jessica Owley, The Increasing Privatization of Environmental Permitting, 46 Akron L. Rev. 1091, 1092 (2013) (“Many environmental laws appear to prohibit environmental degradation outright, but then contain provisions allowing for environmentally destructive activities after obtaining appropriate permits.); Bruce A. McKenney & Joseph M. Kiesecker, Policy Development for Biodiversity Offsets: A Review of Offset Frameworks, 45 Envtl Mgmt 165, 173 (2010); James Kanter, Companies With Poor Track Records on Environmental Damage Try for Change. N.Y. Times, Oct. 13, 2008.
 Tom Tew, CEO of the Environment Bank, quoted in Mathiesen, supra note 119.
 Michael Bean et al., Environmental Defense, Private Lands Opportunity: The Case for Conservation Initiatives (2003), available at http://www.fws.gov/southeast/grants/pdf/2677_ccireport.pdf.
 Bunn, Mark Lubell & Christine K. Johnson, Reforms Could Boost Conservation Banking by Landowners, 67 Cal. Ag. 86 (2013), available at http://californiaagriculture.ucanr.edu/landingpage.cfm?article=ca.v067n02p86&fulltext=yes.
 Jessica Fox & Anamaria Nino-Murcia, Status of Species Conservation Banking in the United States, 19 Conservation Biology 996, 997 (2005). The government of New South Wales, for example, cites this as a major impetus for a move to private biobanking. New South Wales Government, NSW Biodiversity Offsets Policy for Major Projects 8, 33 (2014), available at http://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/resources/biodiversity/140672biopolicy.pdf. The Australian Senate notes that biodiversity offsetting payments could also provide funds to help Aboriginal peoples manage communally owned land. Australia Senate Report Environment and Communications References Committee, Environmental Offsets 24 (2014).
 Kate & Crowe, supra note 117, at 10.
 Property and Environment Research Center, PERC Enviropreneurs, http://perc.org/programs/perc-enviropreneurs/enviropreneur-institute (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 See 16 U.S.C. § 1539; [please provide the ESA citation] California Department of Fish and Wildlife, Conservation and Mitigation Banking, http://www.dfg.ca.gov/habcon/conplan/mitbank/ (last visited Sept. 8, 2015); U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Guidance for the Establishment, Use, and Operation of Conservation Banks 3–4 (2003); U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, For Landowners: Recovery Credits and Tax Deductions, http://www.fws.gov/endangered/landowners/recovery-credits.html (last visited Sept. 8, 2015) [hereinafter USFWS, For Landowners: Recovery Credits and Tax Deductions].
 USFWS, For Landowners: Recovery Credits and Tax Deductions, supra note 139.
 See the plans, vision, and business models of these organizations: Cassina Environmental, http://www.cassinia.com (last visited Sept. 8, 2015); Queensland Trust for Nature, http://www.qtfn.org.au (last visited Sept. 8, 2015); Wildlands, http://www.wildlandsinc.com (last visited Sept. 8, 2015); Westervelt Ecological Services, http://www.wesmitigation.com (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 Queensland Trust for Nature, http://www.qtfn.org.au (last visited Sept. 8, 2015); interview and site visit with CEO Ben O’Hara (Jan. 11, 2015).
 Cassinia, Biolinking Australia, http://www.cassinia.com/#!biolinking/c1u8a (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 Our interviews in California suggest this is often the case; failure to fulfill the terms of a given offsetting contract means the biodiversity banker will not receive future contracts.
Lee Hannah & Lara Hansen, Designing Landscapes and Seascapes for Change, in Climate Change and Biodiversity 329 (Thomas E. Lovejoy & Lee Hannah, eds., 2005).
 Kate & Crowe, supra note 117, at 10; Kiesecker et al, supra note 130 at 262.
 Joseph M. Kiesecker et al., supra note 146, at 262.
 John Hart, Planned Wilderness: A Big Deal for Bay Area Open Space, Bay Nature, Oct. 6, 2011, https://baynature.org/articles/planned-wilderness/.
Daniel Pollak, Natural Community Conservation Planning (NCCP) 21, 34, 41 (2001), available at https://nrm.dfg.ca.gov/FileHandler.ashx?DocumentID=6388&inline
 David J. Hayes, Addressing the Environmental Impacts of Large Infrastructure Projects: Making ‘Mitigation’ Matter 44 ELR 10016 (2014). See also Amy Morris & Jessica Owley, Mitigating the Impacts of the Renewable Energy Gold Rush, 15 Minn. J. L. Sci. & Tech. 293 (2014) (detailing some of the concerns that occur when mitigation plans proceed on a case by case basis and focus on perpetual offsite mitigation).
 Hayes, supra note 150 at 10017. See also Bureau of Land Management, Draft Regional Mitigation Strategies and Planning Manual (2014), available at http://www.blm.gov/pgdata/etc/medialib/blm/wo/Information_Resources_Management/policy/im_attachments/2013.Par.57631.File.dat/IM2013-142_att1.pdf [hereinafter BLM, Mitigation Manual].
 BLM, Mitigation Manual, supra note 151.
 Environmental Defense Fund, Greater Sage-Grouse Habitat Exchange, http://www.edf.org/ecosystems/greater-sage-grouse-habitat-exchange (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 Environmental Defense Fund, Central Valley Habitat Exchange, http://www.edf.org/sites/default/files/CentralValley_HabEx_factsheet_05.pdf (last visited Sept. 8, 2015).
 Kate & Crowe, supra note 117, at ii, 1.
 U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Greater Sage-Grouse Range-Wide Mitigation Framework, Version 1.0, 3 Sept 2014. Listing of the Sage Grouse as an endangered species is currently warranted, according to USFWS; the agency is attempting to use offsetting as a means to avoid listing and the political headaches and legal battles such listing will incur. Id.
 Knicley, supra note 52, at 81.
 Amanda Lewis, The Evolving Process of Swapping Debt for Nature, 10 Colo. J. Int’l. Envtl. L. & Pol’y 431, 432 (1999); Knicley, supra note 52, at 81.
 For a comprehensive review and critique of such swaps, see Knicley, supra note 52.
 Id. at 81, 88; Timothy B. Hamlin, Comment, Debt-for-Nature Swaps: A New Strategy for Protecting Environmental Interests in Developing Nations, 16 Ecology L.Q. 1065, 1080 (1989).
 Knicley, supra note 52, at 81.
 Gregg Goldstein, The Legal System and Wildlife Conservation: History and the Law’s Effect on Indigenous People and Community Conservation in Tanzania, 17 Geo. Int’l. Envtl. L. Rev. 481, 483 (2005).
 See, e.g., Andy White & Alejandra Martin, Forest Trends, Who Owns the World’s Forests? 5 (2002), available at http://www.cifor.org/publications/pdf_files/reports/tenurereport_whoowns.pdf (showing chart of government ownership in the world’s major forest nations).
 Karol Boudreaux, A New Call of the Wild: Community-Based Natural Resource Management in Namibia, 20 Geo. Int’l. Envtl. L. Rev. 297, 308 (2008).
 Id. at 300.
 Id. at 309.
 Id.; Katherine L. Babcock, Note, Keeping it Local: Improving the Incentive Structure in Community-Based Natural Resource Management Programs, 21 Colo. J. Int’l Envtl. L. & Pol’y 201, 207–09 (2010).
 Babcock, supra note 168, at 202–03. For a comprehensive overview of effective legal conditions for community based resource management, see Sean T. McAllister, Community-Based Conservation: Restructuring Institutions to Involve Local Communities in a Meaningful Way, 10 Colo. J. Int’l. Envtl. L. & Pol’y 195 (1999).
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