Wednesday, July 15, 2015
On July 14, the D.C. Circuit (Tatel, Kavanaugh, Pillard) issued a decision in Energy Future Coalition v. EPA. The Clean Air Act requires vehicle manufacturers to test emissions from their vehicles, and EPA regulations require vehicle manufacturers, in these emissions tests, to use test fuels that are commercially available. EPA accordingly has not approved the use of E30, a fuel containing 30% ethanol, as a test fuel because it is not commercially available. Biofuel producers filed a petition for review challenging EPA’s exclusion of E30.
The D.C. Circuit denied the petition. As to threshold questions, the court of appeals held in favor of the petitioners, concluding (a) that the petitioners had standing to challenge EPA’s decision, which served as a regulatory impediment to selling their product; (b) that the petitioners were within the zone of interests protected by the Clean Air Act; (c) that the petition for review was timely because it was filed within sixty days of a final rule extending the test fuel regulation to light-duty cars and trucks; and (d) that the petition for review was ripe, because it presented only purely legal questions and therefore did not require further factual development.
As to the merits, however, the court upheld EPA’s requirement that test fuels must be commercially available, noting that “[i]t is entirely commonsensical and reasonable for EPA to require vehicle manufacturers to use the same fuels in emissions testing that vehicles will use out on the road.” The court acknowledged that the requirement imposes somewhat of a Catch-22, because a test fuel must be commercially available but the Clean Air Act prohibits the sale of fuels that are not substantially similar to test fuels. The court noted, however, that the Clean Air Act itself, not EPA’s regulations, creates this problem.
July 15, 2015 | Permalink
Tenth Circuit Holds that Colorado’s Renewable Energy Mandate Does Not Violate Dormant Commerce Clause
On July 13, the Tenth Circuit (Tymkovich, Ebel, Gorsuch) issued a decision in Energy and Environment Legal Institute v. Epel. In 2004, Colorado enacted a Renewable Energy Standard requiring Colorado utilities to generate or otherwise obtain specified quantities of electricity from renewable sources. The Energy and Environment Legal Institute, which advocates for free markets, sued to challenge the renewable energy standard on the ground that it violates the dormant Commerce Clause, a principle that polices against state interference with interstate commerce. In the district court, EELI argued that the mandate violates the dormant Commerce Clause (a) under the balancing test of Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc., 397 U.S. 137 (1970), because its burdens on interstate commerce outweighed any local benefits; (b) under City of Philadelphia v. New Jersey, 437 U.S. 617 (1978), because it clearly discriminates against out-of-state businesses; and (c) under Baldwin v. G.A.F. Seelig, Inc., 294 U.S. 511 (1935), because it regulates extraterritorial conduct. The district court rejected each of these arguments.
On appeal, EELI argued only the extraterritoriality point. The Tenth Circuit affirmed, holding that Colorado’s renewable energy mandate lacks the essential characteristics of cases in which courts have found invalid extraterritorial effects: “it isn’t a price control statute, it doesn’t link prices paid in Colorado with those paid out of state, and it does not discriminate against out-of-staters.” The court noted that EELI had not explained how Colorado’s mandate disproportionately harms out-of-state businesses. Without naked discrimination against out-of-state businesses, the court held, the renewable energy mandate would fall under the Pike balancing test, which EELI had not raised on appeal. The court rejected EELI’s contrary reading of Baldwin and its progeny, which according to EELI prohibits any state regulation that has the practical effect of controlling conduct beyond the state’s borders.
July 15, 2015 | Permalink
Tuesday, July 7, 2015
In his post yesterday, Todd provided a quick summary of yesterday’s Third Circuit decision rejecting the Farm Bureau Federation’s challenge to the Chesapeake Bay TMDL. This is an interesting and important case, and it will take a while to digest. But just based on a preliminary read, a few issues seem particularly interesting and important.
What does TMDL mean? The Third Circuit interpreted section 303(d) in a way that seems to afford EPA—and the states—discretion in determining the content of TMDLs. The Farm Bureau’s core argument was that a TMDL should only specify a daily mass of allowable pollutants, and that anything else—for example, a division of that mass into load and wasteload allocations, or into further subdivisions—exceeded the authority granted under the Clean Water Act. The Third Circuit rejected that argument, instead concluding that “’total maximum daily load’ is a term of art meant to be fleshed out by regulation, and certainly something more than a number.”
The importance of that conclusion could go beyond this case. In some TMDLs, EPA or the states have done quite a lot of fleshing out, sometimes using TMDLs to set budgets for things, like impervious cover area or stormwater flow, that aren’t pollutant masses at all. They have done so, I’ve argued elsewhere, for very good practical reasons. But courts have questioned the legality of those alternative approaches to TMDL writing, instead viewing the literal language of section 303 as setting not just requirements for action but also boundaries upon what EPA can do. The reasoning of this particular decision, however, would support greater flexibility.
Federalism. The Farm Bureau also grounded its argument in its particular version of federalism, under which canons of statutory construction require a court to disfavor any legal interpretation that would push water quality law into the realm of land use regulation. The court described these arguments as “long on swagger but short on specificity.” And it concluded that the infringements upon state land use authority, to the extent they existed, came from clear statutory requirements, and that the Farm Bureau had overstated the extent of those infringements. Nevertheless, it seemed to accept the general principle that an ambiguous statute ought not be construed to change the balance of federal and state authority over land use.
Why does this matter? On the one hand, I think it’s quite nice that the court held as it did, and its reading of the Clean Water Act seems correct. But even partly accepting the Farm Bureau's asserted canon of construction seems like a further, if slight, step in the courts’ constitutionalization of the boundary between state land use and federal environmental law. And that doesn’t make a whole lot of sense. In practice, that boundary is incredibly murky, if it’s discernable at all, and the feds and the states do some of their best work when they collaborate in the zones where that boundary is not at all clear. Judicially-enforced lines aren't likely to be very much help.
This is a very minor quibble, of course, with a well-reasoned decision that produced a sensible outcome. But the future constitutional status of that boundary is something to watch in future cases.
- Dave Owen
Monday, July 6, 2015
On July 6, the Third Circuit (Ambro, Scirica, Roth) issued a decision in American Farm Bureau Federation v. EPA. The American Farm Bureau, other agricultural interests, and the National Association of Home Builders sued EPA to challenge EPA’s promulgation, pursuant to the Clean Water Act, of Total Maximum Daily Load requirements for the Chesapeake Bay watershed. The plaintiffs argued that the Clean Water Act allows EPA only to regulate the total amount of a pollutant that can be discharged into a particular segment of water, and that EPA exceeded its authority by including additional requirements that specified how Chesapeake Bay TMDLs should be allocated among types of sources, set target dates for reducing discharges, and obtained assurances from states that they would effectuate the TMDLs. The district court held in favor of EPA, and on appeal the Third Circuit affirmed. The court of appeals held that EPA has considerable discretion in deciding how to implement the Clean Water Act’s broad mandate to establish TMDLs, and that EPA’s actions with respect to the Chesapeake Bay TMDL were reasonable and complemented the purpose of the Clean Water Act’s TMDL mandate.
July 6, 2015 | Permalink
Tuesday, June 23, 2015
Ninth Circuit Upholds EPA Decision Retroactively Correcting Prior Erroneous Approval of Clean Air Act State Implementation Plan for San Joaquin Valley
On June 23, the Ninth Circuit (Schroeder, Silverman, Garbis (by designation)) issued a decision in Association of Irritated Residents v. EPA. In 2004, EPA approved revisions to the Clean Air Act state implementation plan for the San Joaquin Valley of California that would have required new source permits and offset requirements for all new and modified sources of air pollution. Existing California legislation, however, exempted certain minor agricultural sources from such requirements. In 2010, EPA realized that it accordingly should not have approved the revisions insofar as they were inconsistent with the legislation. EPA retroactively corrected its error, purporting to act under Clean Air Act § 110(k)(6), 42 U.S.C. § 7410(k)(6), which allows EPA to revise a prior decision erroneously approving or disapproving a state implementation plan revision. The Association of Irritated Residents (AIR), which opposes the minor source exemptions, petitioned for review to challenge EPA’s action.
The Ninth Circuit upheld EPA’s decision retroactively correcting its error. First, the court held that EPA reasonably concluded that it had in fact erroneously approved the plan revisions. EPA relied on a reasonable interpretation of California law, supported by an opinion from the California Attorney General. Second, the court held that Clean Air Act § 110(k)(6) gives EPA authority to amend its 2004 approval decision retroactively to correct its error.
June 23, 2015 | Permalink
Thursday, June 18, 2015
Lawnmowers make my think of my father. Not the loud, smoke-belching kind; we never had those. Ours were always hand mowers. And because my father discovered, almost fifty years ago, that one of the benefits of stumbling into a relatively affluent suburb was the take-it-or-leave-it pile at the town dump, they were always used. He fixed them up, added some grease if they needed it, and the only sound from our lawn being mowed was the gentle whir of spinning blades.
There was a declaration of identity in that quiet sound. We were a used, hand-powered mower kind of family. Leafblowers and weed-whackers were unthinkable, and I grew up believing, at least for a little while, that nature specials were the only worthwhile thing on television, and that ordering truckloads of horse manure for your front-yard vegetable garden was a normal thing for a suburban family to do. We hiked, paddled, and camped, and, lest I think the places we went were to be taken for granted, The Amicus Journal always seemed to be sitting on the coffee table. In my family, frugality was more powerful than environmentalism, but both were always there.
But kids don’t always follow their parents. Parents’ political views, according to multiple studies, are pretty good predictors of their children’s preferences, at least through high school. But then comes college, or other life experiences, and with those experiences come new perspectives. The apples may not fall far from the tree, but they can start to roll. And so it was, at least a little bit, with me. I misbehaved in the usual ways, with the usual spats of callow snark, and though I fancied myself more of a rebel than I ever really was, I was determined to follow my own course.
Yet the outdoors and the environment remained constant threads. They were never forced upon me, but the opportunities and the examples were just there, and growing older just meant bigger mountains. Along the way, I simply absorbed that power tools had no place in lawn care, that working for the Natural Resources Defense Council would be the pinnacle of achievement, and that sometimes the only way to make sense of the world is to walk uphill for a very long time. Even when my father started to think, well before I had come around, that law school might make sense for me, he didn’t tell me to do it. He just put me in touch with an acquaintance who was embroiled in a water law case, and I was hooked.
So now I am an environmental law professor, and I have my own lawnmower. It’s not from the town dump, because while an appreciation for the environment passes from generation to generation, a talent for fixing machinery apparently does not. And it’s somewhat wasted on our lawn, which, unsprinkled and unfertilized, grows a wide variety of species, few of them tall enough to actually merit mowing. But it is a hand mower, quiet and free of smoke. After all, we make our own way, but our parents are always there.
I suspect that while the details of this story are unique, the themes are not. Most of us are in this profession not just because of a fascination with the law, but also, at least partly, because at some time in our childhoods, adults took us into the woods and we were amazed. And for many of us, those adults were our parents. This week seems like a particularly good time to give thanks for that.
- Dave Owen
June 18, 2015 | Permalink
Friday, June 12, 2015
D.C. Circuit Holds that Timber Companies Lack Standing to Challenge BLM and Forest Service Timber Sales in Oregon and Washington
On June 12, the D.C. Circuit (Garland, Rogers, Randolph) issued a decision in Swanson Group Manufacturing LLC v. Jewell. Two timber companies and three timber organizations sued the Secretaries of Interior and Agriculture alleging that the Bureau of Land Management and Forest Service had sold inadequate quantities of timber in Oregon and Washington in violation of the Oregon and California Railroad and Coos Bay Wagon Road Grant Lands Act of 1937, 43 U.S.C. §§ 1181a-1181j. The district court granted summary judgment for the timber companies and issued an injunction requiring the agencies to sell additional timber.
The D.C. Circuit reversed for lack of jurisdiction, holding that the timber companies lacked Article III standing to assert their claims. The court reasoned (a) that the companies could not rely on documents submitted after the entry of judgment in the district court; and (b) that the companies’ pre-judgment declarations regarding injury “are speculative with respect to the claimed threat to the plaintiff’s interest and conclusory or silent with respect to their claims of causation and redressability.” In particular, the plaintiffs failed to identify any specific injuries to their business resulting from the alleged shortfalls in timber sales.
June 12, 2015 | Permalink
Ninth Circuit Upholds Interior Department’s Approval of Shell Oil Spill Response Plans for Alaska Offshore Oil Development
On June 12, the Ninth Circuit (Farris, Nelson (dissenting), Nguyen) issued a decision in Alaska Wilderness League v. Jewell. In 2012, the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement within the Department of the Interior approved oil spill response plans for Shell’s efforts to develop offshore oil and gas resources in the Beaufort and Chukchi seas of Alaska. Several environmental organizations sued to challenge the agency’s decision, the district court granted judgment for the agency, and the environmentalists appealed.
The Ninth Circuit affirmed. First, the court held that, contrary to the environmentalists’ assertions, Shell’s plans did not assume that cleanup efforts would recover 95% of oil released in a spill. The court went on to uphold as reasonable the agency’s interpretation of the Oil Pollution Act as requiring the agency, without discretion, to approve any spill response plan that satisfies the Act’s requirements. Because the agency lacked discretion with respect to spill plan approvals, the decision to approve did not trigger the Endangered Species Act’s consultation requirements or NEPA’s environmental review requirements.
Judge Nelson dissented. She would hold that the agency retains sufficient discretion in its approval of spill response plans under the Oil Pollution Act such that the agency was required to consult pursuant to the Endangered Species Act and to comply with NEPA.
June 12, 2015 | Permalink
Wednesday, June 10, 2015
On June 9, the Ninth Circuit (O’Scannlain, Berzon, Tallman) issued a decision in National Parks Conservation Association v. EPA. In 2012, EPA issued a Federal Implementation Plan (FIP) for control of regional haze in Montana pursuant to Clean Air Act § 169A and 169B, 42 U.S.C. §§ 7491, 7492. EPA’s FIP included emissions limits for nitrogen oxide and sulfur dioxide at two power plants operated by PPL Montana. PPL filed a petition for review challenging the emissions limits as too stringent; three environmental organizations (National Parks Conservation Association, Montana Environmental Information Center, and Sierra Club) filed a petition for review challenging the emissions limits as too lax.
The Ninth Circuit granted the petitions in part, holding that EPA failed to justify its selection of pollution control technologies for the power plants. In particular, according to the court, EPA did not explain why its selected technologies are cost-effective and other technologies are not. In addition, the court held that EPA failed to explain how its analysis justifies visibility improvements that are allegedly too small for EPA’s model to predict with confidence.
Judge Berzon concurred, writing separately to highlight her understanding that the panel’s opinion does not impugn EPA’s model (CALPUFF) generally.
June 10, 2015 | Permalink
Eighth Circuit Affirms Corps of Engineers Decision Revoking Shoreline Permits for Arkansas Lakeside Vacation Home
On June 8, the Eighth Circuit (Murphy, Colloton, Kelly) issued a decision in McClung v. Paul. John and Kim McClung own a vacation home on Greers Ferry Lake in Arkansas. The Army Corps of Engineers manages the lake pursuant to the 1944 Flood Control Act. The McClungs applied to the Corps and received a permit to maintain a boat dock and stone steps on public land between their property and the lake. Contrary to their permit conditions, the McClungs sprayed herbicide on the shoreline and then removed brush from the sprayed land. As a sanction, the Corps revoked the McClungs’ permit for the dock and steps. The McClungs sued, challenging the sanctions. The district court upheld the sanctions, and the Eighth Circuit affirmed. The court of appeals held (a) that the district court properly refused to supplement the administrative record with additional exhibits proffered by the McClungs; (b) that the sanctions imposed by the Corps were not arbitrary and capricious; and (c) that the Corps’ action could not have deprived the McClungs’ of their constitutional due process rights, because the McClungs had no property right in their shoreline permits.
June 10, 2015 | Permalink
Tuesday, June 9, 2015
On June 9, the D.C. Circuit (Henderson, Griffith, Kavanaugh) issued a decision in In re Murray Energy Corporation, the closely watched suit brought by several states and coal industry organizations seeking to stop EPA from issuing its Clean Power Plan. On the merits, the suit raises the serious question whether EPA can regulate existing power plants under Clean Air Act § 111(d), 42 U.S.C. § 7411(d). Petitioners argued that section 111(d) precludes EPA from issuing emission standards for existing sources of air pollution that are already regulated under Clean Air Act § 112, 42 U.S.C. § 7412, which addresses emissions of hazardous air pollutants.
Procedurally, however, this was an easy case. Judicial review of administrative agency action is limited to “final” actions, such as the final rule that EPA intends to issue—but has not yet issued—for the Clean Power Plan. Because EPA has only issued a proposed rule, this suit was premature, and the D.C. Circuit accordingly denied the petitions. The underlying question of whether EPA has authority to regulate existing fossil fuel-fired power plants under Clean Air Act § 111(d) will have to be adjudicated in a later case, brought after EPA issues its final rule.
Judge Henderson wrote separately, concurring in the judgment. She would hold that the All Writs Act gives the court jurisdiction to issue a writ of prohibition despite the limitations on judicial review of agency action, but that such a writ was unwarranted in this case, because EPA will soon issue a final rule, which the petitions may challenge on the same grounds alleged in this suit.
June 9, 2015 | Permalink
Thursday, June 4, 2015
Last week, EPA and the Army Corps of Engineers released their new “Waters of the United States” rule, which is designed to clarify the jurisdictional limits of the Clean Water Act. Well before it was released, the rule was a source of intense controversy, and that shows no signs of letting up. To provide just one example, Congressman John Boehner released a statement charging that
The administration’s decree to unilaterally expand federal authority is a raw and tyrannical power grab that will crush jobs…. [T]he rule is being shoved down the throats of hardworking people with no input, and places landowners, small businesses, farmers, and manufacturers on the road to a regulatory and economic hell.
(And no, just to be clear, that’s not a satire of a press release. It’s the real thing.)
But how important will this rule really be? A lay observer could be forgiven for being confused.
On the one hand, anti-regulatory conservatives and environmental groups seem united on one, and only one, point: this is really important.
Their conventional wisdom goes something like this. During the 1980s and 1990s, EPA and the Army Corps of Engineers started asserting Clean Water Act jurisdiction over smaller and smaller water features. But in Solid Waste Agency of Northern Cook County v. US Army Corps of Engineers and then, later, in Rapanos v. United States, the United States Supreme Court either:
(a) undercut badly needed protections and threw the scope of Clean Water Act jurisdiction into massive confusion; or
(b) established a badly needed check on federal overreach, but did so with enough ambiguity to leave the scope of Clean Water Act jurisdiction subject to massive confusion.
Following those decisions, conventional wisdom on all sides is that the confusion has continued unabated. And now, the new rule would either:
(a) restore badly needed protections, allowing expanded coverage under Clean Water Act sections 402 and 404, and reduce confusion; or
(b) bring back federal overreach, along with even more confusion.
But on the other hand, EPA has argued (when it isn’t itself talking about how important the rule is) that the import of the rule, positive or negative, has been badly overstated. Many of its recent public statements have emphasized that the rule will make only very modest changes to traditional protections.
So who is right? I think the reality is going to be at the modest change end of the spectrum. There are a few reasons for that. One is that EPA’s summary are quite accurate with respect to the written changes. The other reason is that much of the new written content is consistent with established practices.
Over the course of a recent research project (discussed in more detail in my previous post), I spent a fair amount of time talking to Army Corps and, to a lesser extent, EPA staff about jurisdictional determinations under the Clean Water Act. What I heard was at odds with some of the conventional wisdom about the new rule. As Corps staff recount the story, assertions of jurisdiction did expand in the 80s and 90s, and SWANCC and Rapanos did establish checks. The cases also did create confusion when they came out. As one staff member explained:
To me, when that first, when the decision first came down, there was a lot of head-scratching and gnashing of teeth within the Corps of Engineers, because… you know, you’ve read the decision and everything, and we had to put it into guidance. And so we came out with this JD Form guidebook, a nine-page JD form. To me, at the end of the day, I still think we’re being fairly consistent… I think we’re still regulating what the Clean Water Act wants us to regulate and what Congress wanted. That’s my opinion, and I think the Corps’ philosophy has always been, in most instances where I’ve seen it is, if there’s any question about jurisdiction, generally we’ve erred on the side… we’ve been conservative, and not regulated. I know everyone reads a lot in the newspaper about how we’re going to regulate every drainage ditch on every farmer’s property. But in my experience, most Corps districts have been pretty sensible in interpreting the regulations and knowing when we’re walking a thin line between jurisdiction and non-jurisdiction.
In other words, the agency reacted to the confusion by establishing guidance and protocols, and now things aren’t so confusing any more. Of course, the latter part of that quote might seem consistent with the common charge, usually from environmentalists, that the Army Corps has fixed the confusion by regulating too little. But I heard plenty of indications to the contrary. For example, one district chief, describing her district’s practices with respect to headwater streams (natural features, not artificial drainage ditches), told me:
Even in Clean Water Act guidance that they’re proposing to make… you know, what’s jurisdictional, to us, it’s not changing what we do here very much. You read all this stuff in the paper like, “Oh my gosh! Y’all are taking everything now!” Well, we already were taking everything here in this district, practically.
And is the Army Corps providing consistency in those determinations? This particular chief thought her district might be a bit of an outlier, at least compared to districts where larger wetlands and waterways are abundant. But the general answer to my are-your-JDs-consistent questions was an emphatic yes, with the caveat that aquatic resources themselves are quite different across the country. Indeed, my sense, often, was that people were a little bit annoyed that I would even ask, and at the whole debate surrounding the new rule. As one regulatory district chief explained:
With ephemeral headwater streams, I think that’s one of the biggest issues that we have as far as a perception of different implementation. If you ask the question “how do you determine headwater determination for ephemeral channels?” and you may get a couple sentences of narrative of what may be perceived as different, but when you’re in the field together everyone stops at the same point. I often find that it’s confusing and frustrating when you’re talking and you’re not in the field. So I think we’re actually closer than we think we are. It’s when you’re sitting an office and looking at a picture or just talking about things. And one district may have something in mind of what they thing an ephemeral stream is and you know we have something different in mind and ultimately I think when we’re in the field and not labeling things our calls are the same.
Not everyone agreed with this view. One EPA staff member, for example, said (after offering several caveats about the Corps’ professionalism and his respect for the agency) that he thought jurisdiction was asserted more broadly, particularly with ephemeral streams and seasonal wetlands, along the coasts than in the interior of the country. And a few Corps staff did say they would expect some differences from place to place. But the majority view seemed to be that the new rule would really just provide greater clarity about what already is present and consistent practice.
So what does that mean for the new rule? I think it matters, because providing clarity is hardly ever a bad thing. And there are likely to be a few places where it leads to greater protection of headwater streams. But on the whole, the new rule matters less than the public reaction might lead one to believe.
- Dave Owen
Saturday, May 23, 2015
Perhaps as soon as this week, according to media reports, the Army Corps of Engineers and EPA will release a final "Waters of the United States" rule clarifying the scope of federal regulatory jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act. Simultaneously, Congress is considering multiple bills that would block the new rule and undo portions of the Clean Water Act. There are many reasons for the opposition, but one key argument is grounded in federalism. According to the Wyoming Senator John Barrasso, chief author of the Senate bill (as quoted in this morning's New York Times):
"This rule is not designed to protect the traditional waters of the United States. It is designed to expand the power of Washington bureaucrats."
This is a familiar refrain. Politicians say similar things to oppose all sorts of governmental initiatives, ranging from the Common Core educational standards to the Affordable Care Act. On environmental issues, this kind of rhetoric is particularly prevalent. And in this circumstance--and, I suspect, many others--it's just not true.
For a recent paper (forthcoming in the UCLA Law Review), I spent many hours researching the practices and bureaucratic organization of the Army Corps, the agency with primary responsibility for implementing section 404 of the Clean Water Act (the section 404 permitting program, which governs the filling of "waters of the United States," is the regulatory program likely to be most impacted by the rule). The findings of that research are very difficult to reconcile with the claim that this rule would just empower bureaucrats in Washington. For example:
- Of the 1,200 to 1,300 Army Corps staff in the agency's regulatory program, ten are based in Washington D.C. Of those ten, two are on rotation from an office elsewhere in the country. The rest of the regulatory program staff are based in division, district, and field offices across the nation. And that's where the real power lies. As one of the few headquarters staffers explained to me, district commanders "“are the ones who make the decision, and we reinforce that every chance we get.”
- Many of those non-DC staff were born and raised in the areas where they presently work. Others have moved around, but staff told me that having some staff with roots in the areas where they work did matter. As one said, "you know the culture, you were raised here and know the challenges people are having and you want to help them as much as you can."
- Even most of the DC staff have extensive field experience. As one district chief explained to me:
"Over the years, the people who have gotten in managerial positions have gotten there through the ranks. So… they know the real world, and that is even consistent with the people in headquarters. Most of those people have come from the district offices [and] were at one point a project manager processing permit applications."
- That geographic distribution of personnel matters to the implementation of the program. It lets non-DC staff tailor the program to local environmental conditions. It enables extensive communication and coordination with state agencies. And it allows for extensive, often face-to-face contact with the people who are regulated by, and who benefit from, the program. The DC office isn't irrelevant, of course, and Corps staff repeatedly told me about efforts to ensure consistency across the nation. But I do not think anyone who takes a close look at the program could say, with a straight face, that this new rule is just about empowering Washington bureaucrats.
And therein lies the larger motivation for the research project. Senator Barrasso is hardly alone in equating federal law with Washington DC bureaucracy. Other politicians say similar things all the time, as do legal academics. And while Senator Barrasso is unlikely to abandon a resonant political line just because it rests on dubious factual premises, those of us who profess to speak accurately ought to be more careful. In some federal programs, Washington bureaucrats play dominating roles, and in a few, all the bureaucrats really are in Washington. But in many contexts, federal offices spread across the country really do matter, and we ought to pay attention to what they do. The waters of the United States controversy is just one of many in which that attention would be well justified.
- Dave Owen
Wednesday, May 20, 2015
In recent years, Maine, like many other states, has seen a resurgence of interest in farming. A new generation of farmers is starting up small, diversified farms, and they are supplying a growing number of farmers’ markets and farm-to-table restaurants. In many ways, it’s a wonderful trend. It brings young people and new economic activity to rural areas that have faced declining economies, shrinking populations, and aging populations. It gives urban dwellers access to produce grown without pesticides and meat produced without massive feedlots. And the trend is boosting a food scene that has turned Maine into even more of a tourist destination.
But getting started in farming is hard work, and just one of the many things that makes it hard is the tendency for legal issues to arise. Negotiating and contracting for land access, navigating tort liability and employment law, creating business structures, and navigating employment law requirements are just a few of the many issues that farmers often face. For lawyers, that might sound like an exciting opportunity, and increasing numbers of our students now express interest in legal issues associated with food. But farmers—particularly new ones—often can’t afford lawyers, and even if they could, hiring lawyers just isn’t part of traditional farming culture. So a lot of legal needs are going unmet.
This past semester, several of our students got involved in an innovative effort to respond to that problem. The Conservation Law Foundation, a regional environmental group, has launched a “Legal Service Food Hub” initiative. The initiative is designed to match small-scale farmers and food businesses with pro bono attorneys, and to provide those attorneys with training on the distinctive issues associated with representing this new kind of client. As part of these efforts, four Maine Law students, working with CLF attorney Ben Tettlebaum, spent the past semester creating a guidebook on some of the key legal issues that confront farmers in Maine (the guidebook is modeled on a similar book, jointly created by CLF and Harvard Law School, for attorneys in Massachusetts). Last Monday, CLF officially launched its Maine hub, and several of our students (here pictured with Congresswoman and farmer Chellie Pingree) spoke at the event.
It’s an exciting initiative, and I hope and expect it will continue. It's also a model I think would work well in other places. One of the concerns people often raise about the rise of sustainable food law is that it's unclear who will pay for it. But there's a lot of meaningful legal work to be done for people who can't afford lawyers, and if that work offers law students and lawyers a chance to learn about representing small businesses as well as giving back to their communities, so much the better.
- Dave Owen
Saturday, May 2, 2015
Last year, Pace started a new conference designed to help aspiring environmental law professors prepare for the job market. This year, the Pace faculty are doing it again. The announcement is below.
If you're seriously thinking about going on the job market, this is a great opportunity. Attending certainly doesn't guarantee you a job; the market was brutal last year. And, unfortunately, that market is likely to stay tough in the years to come. But three participants did get hired, with others still in the mix, and I suspect they'd say the conference gave them a leg up in their preparations.
- Dave Owen
|9:00||Introductory remarks by Professor Jason Czarnezki (Pace) and Continental Breakfast|
|9:30||Panel discussion with Professors Mary Jane Angelo (Florida),Kevin Leske (Barry), and Margot Pollans (Pace) —“How To Be Successful on the Environmental Law Professor Job Market”|
|12:00||Keynote lunch address by Professor Douglas Kysar (Yale)|
|Afternoon||Job talk presentations with feedback provided (Selected participants will be asked to present their job talks.)|
Friday, May 1, 2015
Monday, April 6, 2015
Over the last few years, many law schools have introduced a legislation and regulation course into the 1L curriculum. This is a very positive trend, and one I’m glad to be part of. But it does create some curricular challenges.
A typical leg-reg (or leg-admin, as we call it here) curriculum mixes some statutory interpretation with a condensed version of an upper-level administrative law course. That makes a traditional upper-level admin class partly redundant, but not completely redundant, because you just can’t cover as much in a two thirds of a semester. Something has to go, and not something trivial; the traditional admin curriculum is filled with important stuff. That then leads to a big question: what should schools that teach 1L leg-reg do about upper-level admin?
One of my colleagues has developed a great answer. Last fall, Jeff Thaler, a visiting professor at Maine Law, piloted a course called the “Administrative Law Practicum.” Over the course of the semester, Jeff took students through the processes of permitting wind energy developments. They did this in a highly hands-on way, drafting documents, preparing and examining expert witnesses (who were real-life consultants to wind energy developers), and working up toward simulated administrative hearings at the end of the course. The students who took the class already had received, in their 1L year, a general introduction to the roles of administrative agencies within our governance system. This course built on that foundation by helping students start thinking of those agencies as people, and as people that a good lawyer can persuade.
Did it work? Many of Jeff’s students left his class and walked, just a few minutes later, into my environmental law class, so I got a fresh, first-hand account of how the course was going. They loved it. And they seemed to be doing a ton of learning. Jeff also was doing a lot of work, but the results seemed to me to be completely worthwhile.
If you’re interested in finding out more about the course, Jeff has posted a short descriptive account here. I think it’s a great concept, and one that could be reproduced, with some modification, for many other types of administrative proceedings.
- Dave Owen
Tuesday, March 17, 2015
On March 11, a panel of the Fifth Circuit (Higginbotham, Jones, Prado) issued a decision in United States v. Kaluza, a criminal prosecution arising out of the Deepwater Horizon disaster in 2010 in the Gulf of Mexico. Robert Kaluza and Donald Vidrine were “well site leaders,” the highest-ranking BP employees working on the Deepwater Horizon rig. A federal grand jury indicted Kaluza and Vidrine on 23 counts: 11 counts of involuntary manslaughter in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1112, 11 counts of seaman's manslaughter in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1115, and 1 count of negligent discharge under the Clean Water Act in violation of 33 U.S.C. §§ 1319(c)(1)(A) and 1321(b)(3). The defendants moved to dismiss the seaman’s manslaughter counts on the grounds that, among other things, the Deepwater Horizon was outside of the territory covered by the seaman’s manslaughter statute and defendants were not within the categories of persons covered by the seaman’s manslaughter statute. The district court rejected the defendants’ extraterritoriality argument but granted the defendants’ motion to dismiss the seaman’s manslaughter counts for failure to charge an offense. The government appealed.
The Fifth Circuit affirmed. First, it held that the defendants, by failing to cross-appeal, had waived their extraterritoriality argument. Second, it held that the seaman’s manslaughter statute, which applies to “[e]very captain, engineer, pilot, or other person employed on any steamboat or vessel,” encompasses “a class of persons dealing with the operation and navigation of the vessel” and does not include the defendants, whose duties were unrelated to the “transportation function” of the Deepwater Horizon.
On March 11, a panel of the Ninth Circuit (Schroeder, Silverman, Garbis (by designation)) issued a decision in NRDC v. EPA. In 2011, the South Coast Air Quality Management District adopted Rule 317, which imposes fees on certain programs aimed at reducing emissions from mobile sources that are primarily responsible for air pollution in the area of Southern California governed by the District. The District proposed Rule 317 to EPA as an alternative means of complying with Clean Air Act § 185, 42 U.S.C. § 7511d, which requires states to assess penalties on major stationary sources in severe or extreme ozone nonattainment areas. EPA approved Rule 317 as a modification to California’s Clean Air Act state implementation plan (SIP), on the ground that pursuant to the Clean Air Act’s anti-backsliding provision, § 172(e), 42 U.S.C. § 7502(e), EPA may approve alternative pollution controls “which are not less stringent” than prior controls. On its face, however, Clean Air Act § 172(e) applies when EPA has relaxed an ambient air quality standard. Here, EPA had revised the applicable air quality standard to make it more stringent. Accordingly, NRDC and Communities for a Better Environment petitioned for review of EPA’s approval, arguing that Clean Air Act § 172(e) did not allow EPA to approve alternative pollution controls when an air quality standard has been tightened rather than relaxed.
The Ninth Circuit upheld EPA’s approval of Rule 317. First, the court noted that Clean Air Act § 172(e) “does not provide for what happens in any context except when the NAAQS has been ‘relaxe[d].’ ” Thus, the language of § 172(e) does not unambiguously preclude EPA’s interpretation. Second, the court concluded that EPA’s interpretation of § 172(e) was reasonable, “both textually and as a matter of policy and Congressional intent.” Probably most important to this analysis, the court agreed with EPA that its interpretation promotes alternative programs such as Rule 317 that promote better air quality.
Thursday, March 12, 2015
On Monday, the Supreme Court decided Perez v. Mortgage Bankers Association, a case in which all the fun is in the concurrences. The Court’s opinion, written with efficiency and clarity by Justice Sotomayor, disposes of the Paralyzed Veterans line of cases from the D.C. Circuit. Those cases held that an agency must go through notice and comment if it wants to change its interpretation of a regulation. The Court rejected that requirement, holding that it was foreclosed by the plain text of the Administrative Procedure Act.
Justices Alito, Scalia, and Thomas, all of whom concurred, had no disagreement with that outcome, and they joined much of the reasoning; the decision was unanimous. But they each wrote separately to explain why a separate line of Supreme Court cases, all according deference to agencies’ interpretations of their own regulations, should be overturned. Yet Seminole Rock or Auer deference, as this doctrine is known, wasn’t at issue in the case at bar. Indeed, Justice Alito and Justice Thomas both ended their opinions by noting that their arguments could be relevant in some future case—which, quite clearly, they eagerly await.
This practice isn’t unprecedented. Supreme Court justices often speculate about how they would resolve disputes not currently before them. Concocting and analyzing hypotheticals, after all, are key parts of judges’ stock in trade. Similarly, opinions announcing interest in enacting a new rule of law are neither unheard of nor unique to the Court’s conservative wing. But still, there’s something about all of this that seems a little weird.
The reason, of course, is Article III of the United States Constitution. Article III grants the federal courts jurisdiction over “cases and controversies,” and that jurisdictional grant, the courts routinely remind us, exists to ensure that judges hear actual, live cases, all based on real facts and litigated by parties directly interested in the questions at bar. As every 1L learns, Article III precludes advisory opinions. Yet what Justices Alito, Scalia, and Thomas have done in Perez is write advisory opinions; they make no pretense that the rules of law they promote would be dispositive in the case at bar. And that raises the question: if issuing those advisory opinions would be constitutionally questionable, at best, for a federal district court judge disposing a case, or for a majority on a circuit court of appeals or the Supreme Court, does it become constitutionally permissible when a justice writes alone?
With that said, another related question also arises: should we care? Constitutional or not, is there any harm in this practice? After all, there are some potential benefits. The advisory opinions may signal, much like a policy statement from an administrative agency, future legal changes the Court might produce, and those signals might help private parties and government agencies order their affairs before Auer deference comes crashing down (if it does). They also guide litigants looking for creative new theories, and they give law professors new things to write about. Finally, perhaps they provide some benefit by helping to demolish the confirmation-hearing myth that judges just call balls and strikes as they’re thrown. Here, the better analogy is that judges are previewing their rule changes for a game that has yet to be played. But with all that said, if we really are committed to the notion that better judging occurs in the context of a live, concrete factual dispute, these kinds of opinions ought to be troubling.
Thankfully, there is a potential remedy. A wonderful outlet exists for the kind of writing the concurring justices (particularly Justice Thomas, at least in this case) seem to want to do. And while it’s a form of writing that some judges disparage, I doubt there are any hard feelings; given the stature of the authors, their work probably would be accepted with open arms. Law review submissions season is upon us. And while that season is getting on, it’s not too late. With relatively little revision, Justice Thomas’s concurrence would be ready to go as a law review article. I suspect it would place well.
- Dave Owen