Thursday, April 14, 2016
Minnesota is now the third state to entertain the theory that teacher tenure and seniority protections violate students' state constitutional right to education. Unable to locate the actual complaint, I have had to rely on the initial news reports of the claims, but three points seem pretty clear. First, the case is modeled on the lawsuits from California and New York and is being funded/coordinated by the same policy and media advocates. Second, according to the Star Tribune, it claims that "Minnesota laws protect teachers who should no longer be in classrooms, thus preventing thousands of students from getting a high-quality education." Or as one of the plaintiffs' attorneys in the case states, “This is a conversation about students’ fundamental right to an education and the laws that get in the way of that right.” Third, the lawsuit attributes achievement gaps between students to tenure. “When we look throughout the country at places where there are harmful teacher employment statutes and significant achievement gaps, Minnesota was one of the first states that popped up as a place that could use this kind of help,” said Ralia Polechronis, executive director of Partnership for Educational Justice.
From what I can tell, it also falls victim to all the same simplistic assumptions about teacher quality and equal educational opportunities. Unless plaintiffs unearthed new data and trends in Minnesota, the plaintiffs have no basis to believe that teacher tenure actually has a negative causal effect on educational opportunity. As detailed in The Constitutional Challenge to Teacher Tenure, 104 California Law Review 79 (2016), numerous different factors affect teacher quality and educational opportunity. Prior plaintiffs may marshaled almost no evidence that tenure has any causal effect on the quality of teachers who choose to teach and stay in a particular school, much less evidence that tenure is a significant factor in the quality of education a school offers. If tenure does not have a significant causal effect, it cannot support a constitutional claim. It is not enough to argue that tenure is bad policy. Good or bad, policies of this sort fall within the discretion of the legislature.
Wednesday, April 13, 2016
Matthew Delmont's book, Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation, is now available in paperback. The promotional materials offer this synopsis:
In the decades after the landmark Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision, busing to achieve school desegregation became one of the nation’s most controversial civil rights issues. Why Busing Failed is the first book to examine the pitched battles over busing on a national scale, focusing on cities such as Boston, Chicago, New York, and Pontiac, Michigan. This groundbreaking book shows how school officials, politicians, the courts, and the media gave precedence to the desires of white parents who opposed school desegregation over the civil rights of black students.
This broad and incisive history of busing features a cast of characters that includes national political figures such as then-president Richard Nixon, Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley, and antibusing advocate Louise Day Hicks, as well as some lesser-known activists on both sides of the issue—Boston civil rights leaders Ruth Batson and Ellen Jackson, who opposed segregated schools, and Pontiac housewife and antibusing activist Irene McCabe, black conservative Clay Smothers, and Florida governor Claude Kirk, all supporters of school segregation. Why Busing Failed shows how antibusing parents and politicians ultimately succeeded in preventing full public school desegregation.
Slate.com recently published a nice interview with Delmont. The following two exchanges were particularly insightful:
Jake Blumgart: Throughout the book you quote black activists or politicians who argue that busing is just a nice term for opposition to integrating our public schools. Why did the media fall so hard for the rhetoric of anti-integration activists in the 1960s and 1970s?
Matt Delmont: For two reasons. They had a very limited understanding of what was going on with civil rights in the North. Looking back at their coverage and how reporters talked about history afterward, they consistently thought of civil rights as a Southern story. They just couldn’t believe that school and neighborhood segregation could be intentional in cities like Chicago and Boston.
Desegregation is also really complex to get a handle on. To really get into the nitty-gritty reality of how these schools came to be segregated took a lot of research, more than most reporters or television journalists could do. Most places, especially television, would drop in for a day or two for the story and then fly back out. They were compelled by these anti-busing activists who were able to make really persuasive sound bites and visible protests that resonated powerfully. Anti-busing activists were really savvy in how they framed they story. The pro-busing side, the case they were trying to make, was much more complicated.
When we think of the relationship between TV and civil rights, almost everyone thinks of the 1950s and 1960s and the really positive role television played in bringing Little Rock, Selma, and Montgomery to a national audience. I think that’s largely a true story. Television news really forced Americans to confront what was going on in the Jim Crow South. But that same medium played almost the exact opposite role when it came to school segregation. It framed those anti-busing activists in a very positive light.
What was the nadir of school desegregation after Brown v. Board?
The 1964–1974 period is really what casts the die in terms of what’s possible for school desegregation. The reason I titled the book Why Busing Failed is because when I would tell people I was working on a book about the history of busing, most would shake their heads and say, “It’s too bad that policy failed.” I think after Boston it became very difficult to get people to think seriously about this as a politics that could succeed on a large-scale level. There were a number of school districts that had success with it, in part because they received less attention and things worked on a local level without it exploding the way that Boston did.
When asked about the future of school integration, Delmont's response is similar to the one voiced on this blog over the past two years: surprisingly, integration has returned as part of the national conversation. He pays special homage to Nikole Hannah-Jones' story on This American Life.
Daniel Kiel's response to the question is yes. In his new paper, No Caste Here? Toward a Structural Critique of American Education, Penn State Law Review, Vol. 119 (2015), he offers this perspective:
In his famous dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, Justice John Marshall Harlan argued that in the United States, there was “no caste here.” Justice Harlan was rejecting the idea that American society operated to assign preordained outcomes to individuals based upon classifications, including racial classifications. This Article questions whether Justice Harlan’s aspirational assertion accurately reflects contemporary American education. Identifying: (1) multiple classification mechanisms, all of which have disproportionate racial effects, and (2) structural legal, political, and practical impediments to reform, the Article argues that the American education system does more to maintain the nation’s historical racial hierarchy than to disrupt it. This is so, the Article suggests, despite popular agreement with the casteless ideal and popular belief that education can provide the opportunity to transcend social class. By building the framework for a broad structural critique, the Article suggests that a failure to acknowledge and address structural flaws will preclude successful comprehensive reform with more equitable outcomes.
Download the full article here on ssrn.
Wednesday, April 6, 2016
Fifty years of research show that diverse schools can benefit all students. It's time to take action. Join the Century Foundation on April 19th at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington, D.C. for a conversation about the future of school integration and promising strategies for increasing diversity in public schools. The event's keynote address will be delivered by U.S. Secretary of Education John B. King, Jr. Register here.
Education policies of recent decades have largely ignored the advantages of diversity, and socioeconomic and racial segregation in our schools has risen. But there may be reason to hope for a new wave of school integration.
According to new research from The Century Foundation, more than 90 school districts and charter schools across the country have begun efforts to increase socioeconomic integration in their schools. The U.S. Department of Education has also proposed a new federal program that would support voluntary efforts to increase socioeconomic diversity in schools.
This event will discuss these developments and ask the important questions about bolstering school diversity efforts.
Additional speakers include:
• Mohammed Choudhury, Director of the Office of Transformation and Innovation, Dallas Independent School District
• Tanya Clay House, Deputy Assistant Secretary for P-12 Education, U.S. Department of Education
• Donna Harris-Aikens, Director of Education Policy and Practice, National Education Association
• Richard D. Kahlenberg, Senior Fellow, The Century Foundation
• Monique Lin-Luse, Assistant Counsel, NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund
• Halley Potter, Fellow, The Century Foundation
• Kimberly Quick, Policy Associate, The Century Foundation
• Amy Stuart Wells, Professor of Sociology and Education, Columbia University
Wednesday, March 30, 2016
The Southern Education Foundation has released a new report on private schools, race, and their rapid growth of vouchers in recent years. The report demonstrates that new programs are concentrated in the South. It also notes that there have been increased efforts at the federal level to use federal funds for vouchers. Those efforts have only failed by narrow margins. The point of the report is to signal the segregative threat that the expansion of these programs may pose.
In 2012, for instance, African American students were 15.8% of the public school population, but only 9.2% of the private school population. Conversely, whites were 51.7% of the public school population but 72.1% of the private school population. One might simply write this off to socio-economic disparities, but the report emphasizes that private schools in the south have historically been a reaction to integration and that over the past fifty years, the South's share of the nation's private school population has risen from less than 15% to over 30%. And when we look at the demographics of private schools in southern states, the disparities between public and private schools is even more shocking.
In Mississippi, whites were a slim majority in public schools in 1998, but were 90.8% of the private school population. In South Carolina, whites were 58.7% of the public school population, but 90.1% of the private school population. The most telling data point, however, was the variation among states. While the gap between white enrollment in public and private schools was significant in all but one southern state, the gap itself seemed to be a reflection of the how large the white majority was in public schools. The higher the percentage of whites in public schools, the lower their percentage in private schools. In other words, where whites were a stronger majority in public schools, there seemed to be less incentive to enroll in private school. Similar trends existed in 2012, although not as obvious. The report also includes similar data analysis for Hispanic and Asian students.
The report also focused on individual schools and what it calls virtual segregation:
The third measurement of this study examines more deeply patterns of over- and under-representation of students by race and ethnicity within each school in 2012 by identifying the private schools in the 50 states where white students comprise 90 to 100 percent of total enrollment. These rates and patterns are compared with the numbers for virtual segregated public schools in the states and regions.
In 2012, white students were far more likely to be educated in virtual segregation in private schools than in public schools. Forty-three percent of the nation’s private school students attended virtually all-white schools in contrast to 26.9 percent of public school students. Among the 50 states, South Carolina’s private schools had the largest disparity in segregated education between private and public schools: 63 percent of white students in private schools in South Carolina in 2012 were taught in segregated schools in comparison with only five percent of the state’s public school students. Mississippi had almost as large a gap – a difference of 56 percentage points. Seventy-one percent of white students in Mississippi private schools attended segregated schools, while 15 percent of the public schools’ white students were attending segregated schools.
It also identified virtual exclusion:
The final measurement quantifying and comparing racial and ethnic patterns in private schools identifies the numbers of white students attending schools with only 10 percent or less of under-represented students of color – African American, Hispanic, and Native American students combined. In one sense, virtual segregation can be understood as a measure of the extent white students are extremely “packed” into schools, and virtual exclusion as a measure of the extent under-represented students of color are extremely absent or excluded from school enrollment. The analysis also compares rates of virtual exclusion between private and public schools by state and region.
Nearly two-thirds of white students attending private schools across the 50 states were in schools that virtually excluded African American, Hispanic, and Native American students. The rate was 41 percent in public schools. Racial exclusion in South Carolina’s private schools exceeded the rate among its public schools by the largest margin among the 50 states. Eighty-four percent of the white students in South Carolina’s private schools were in racially exclusionary schools in 2012. This rate compared to 11 percent in the state’s public schools – creating a private school disparity of 73 percentage points. Private schools in Delaware had the nation’s second largest disparity in exclusionary schooling: 72 percent of all white students in Delaware’s private schools were in virtually exclusionary schoolhouses, but only four percent of the state’s public schools’ white students were in such schools.
Seven of the ten states with the largest measures of racial exclusion in private schools were in the South. Six of those seven states were the Deep South’s “freedom of choice” states. The percentage of white students in private schools in the 15-state South exceeded the percentage in the public schools by 37 percentage points – close to twice the disparity in racially exclusionary schools for white students elsewhere in the nation in 2012.
Get the full report here.
Monday, March 28, 2016
One of Nation's Most Successful Districts Acknowledges Shortfalls in Diversity and Inequality, Makes Plans to Consider Reforms
Earlier this month, Montgomery County Public Schools in Maryland released a study of their school choice and special programs. Montgomery County has long had one of the nation's strongest public schools. Included in its strength has been its commitment to diversity and equal access. Like most, its implementation is rarely perfect, but this new report and its response to it indicate it is continuing to strive to do better. The report acknowledges that its current policies have not resulted in the integration and diversity the district seeks. In fact, it names of some hot-button policies and targets them for reform: admissions criteria to special programs, sibling preferences, and feeder patterns. Among the most poignant findings and recommendations are:
- Key Finding 2: Information and communications about MCPS’s wide variety of choice and special academic programs are not filtering to all segments of the community equally, which is impacting equity of access to the programs. MCPS has developed and implemented a wide variety of communication tools to share information about the programs with parents and community members. These include printed materials that are mailed to MCPS households in seven languages; information on the district’s website and PTA listservs and webpages; informational meetings at local schools in English and Spanish; program-level Open Houses; and outreach through school-based counselors, staff, and principals. Despite these efforts, data on program applications and from focus groups indicate that information about these programs is not reaching some segments of the community, namely Hispanic/Latino, Black/African American, non-English-speaking, and low-income families as well as they are to other groups. . . .
- Recommendation . . .: Develop and implement new strategies for communicating, outreach, recruitment, and sharing information with underrepresented or hard-to-reach families within MCPS. These strategies should include, but not be limited to: Streamlined communications in easily-understood language; Revision of existing communication tools for cultural validity; Outreach to families at community events or locations; More opportunities for one-on-one or in-person communications with and recruitment of families; and Additional materials and events held in languages other than English.
- Key Finding 3: There are significant racial and socioeconomic disparities in the enrollment and acceptance rates to academically selective programs, which suggest a need to revise the criteria and process used to select students for these programs to eliminate barriers to access for highly able students of all backgrounds. Data on applications and acceptances to elementary centers and secondary magnet and application programs show that Hispanic/Latino, Black/African American, Limited English Proficient (LEP), special education, and low-income students are less likely than White, Asian, and higher income students to be selected and enroll in these programs. As a result, Hispanic/Latino, Black/African American, LEP, special education, vi and low-income students are underrepresented in academically selective programs when compared with districtwide enrollment data. These data are found despite direct efforts by MCPS to increase representation of all groups in the elementary centers and the secondary magnet and application programs. The district utilizes multiple indicators in the selection process that include, in addition to cognitive assessments, teacher recommendations and other school-based input, report card grades, unique student profiles, demographic data such as eligibility for free and reduced-price meals (FARMS), and the lack of an intellectual peer group at the home school. Yet, the lack of diversity and underrepresentation of some student subgroups in these programs suggests that the process may rely too heavily on one or more indicators or may need to consider additional measures of student ability. These indicators may include broadening the definition of gifted to include noncognitive measures such as motivation and persistence, using group-specific norms that benchmark student performance against school peers with comparable backgrounds, offering automatic admissions for students in the top 5-10% of sending elementary or middle schools in the district, or using other methods that are outlined in the report and utilized in other districts across the country. Furthermore, these data also suggest that the district should use additional programs or tools, such as expanding the existing MCPS’s Young Scholars Program to identify students from underrepresented groups in early grade levels for academically selective programs. These programs would serve to increase the applicant pool of underrepresented students and encourage greater levels of participation.
- Recommendation 3a: Implement modifications to the selection process used for academically competitive programs in MCPS, comprising elementary centers for highly gifted students and secondary magnet programs, to focus these programs on selecting equitably from among those applicants that demonstrate a capacity to thrive in the program, that include use of non-cognitive criteria, group-specific norms that benchmark student performance against school peers with comparable backgrounds, and/or a process that offers automatic admissions to the programs for students in the top 5-10% of sending elementary or middle schools in the district.
- Recommendation 3b: Invest resources to expand and enhance early talent development programs for students of underrepresented groups in order to bolster participation of a broader segment of the MCPS student population in academically selective programs.
- Key Finding 4: The district’s implementation of some provisions in the current Board Policy JEE, Student Transfers, does not fully align with MCPS’s goal to provide equitable access to choice and special academic programs. Specifically, the Board’s current Policy includes two provisions that have been implemented in ways that do not fully support equitable access: 1) currently students are automatically admitted to an elementary language immersion program if they have an older sibling who currently attends the program; and 2) students who attend a vii particular middle school may continue in that school’s feeder pattern high school, without regard to programmatic reasons. . . .
- Recommendation 4a: Consider revisions to Policy JEE, Student Transfers, to clarify that the sibling link for immersion and other choice programs is not automatic; while siblings of applicants should be able to attend the same school where the special academic program is located provided that there are available seats, those siblings should be required to participate in the application process, such as the lottery for immersion programs to earn a seat in the program.
- Recommendation 4b: To the extent that the district considers revisions to Policy JEE, Student Transfers, to alter the automatic articulation from middle school to high school within the cluster feeder pattern or consider approvals for programmatic requests, MCPS should analyze the impact on both school capacity and its efforts to promote diversity and avoid racial isolation.
- Key Finding 5: The placement of special academic programs within local schools has increased the diversity of those schools’ student populations; but, in the absence of targeted mechanisms to integrate the program participants and non-participants, it has created conditions of within-school separation. . .
Thursday, March 24, 2016
The past week has produced a spat of stories about the potential redrawing of school attendance boundaries in Loudon County Virginia, which rests in the exurbs of Washington, DC and in recent years has ranked as the wealthiest county in the nation. Despite its wealth, Loudon has pockets of poverty. One is a largely Hispanic neighborhood. The neighborhood, however, is relatively small and, for the past several years, Loudon has assigned students from that neighborhood to several different elementary schools. The purpose and effect has been to deconcentrate poverty there and increase diversity elsewhere--exactly what decades of social science would implore districts to do. Now Loudon is considering a plan to redraw attendance zones and assign all of those low-income Hispanic students to one of two elementary schools. It would, as a result, create two new high poverty schools, where none previously existed, and eliminate economically diverse schools, where they previously existed.
The troubling question is why? According to reports by the Washington Post, the district offers two rationales. First, the new high poverty schools would qualify for more federal resources. Second, teachers would be better able to focus on the special needs of disadvantaged students.“When you have students that have common needs, you can direct your instructional methods in that manner and you have more resources because you have more students with that particular need,” said school board member Jill Turgeon, who is also a former teacher in the district. “When we’re balancing demographics . . . to me we’re watering down the focus we need to have on the students.” Likewise, by removing students with special needs from diverse schools, teachers can better serve the needs of students from wealthier neighborhoods. “I think there are a lot of benefits in allowing a natural grouping of the students according to their neighborhood,” school Turgeon.
Friday, March 11, 2016
Louisiana to Take a Step in the Right Direction by Limiting Charter Schools in Districts Where They Are Not Needed?
The chair of Louisiana's Senate Education Committee has introduced a pretty common sense bill to limit the creation of new charters in the state. Existing law in Louisiana provides that charter school applications shall be made to the local school district, but if the district denies the application or places conditions on the charter school that the applicant does not like, the applicant can appeal to the state board of education. The state board can then freely grant the charter, notwithstanding the concerns of the local district. The new proposed legislation would significantly limit that appeal process. It indicates that in school districts that receive an "A" or "B" rating on their most recent state report card, there would be no right of appeal for charter applicants. Thus, those districts would be the final decision maker on charter school applications.
Because charters are most likely to pop up in struggling districts and inner cities, one might assume this bill would have little practical impact. But given the nature of southern school districts, this law covers a broad spectrum of school. First, the state has less than 80 districts and over half of them received an A or B last year, so its general application is broad. Second, districts receiving an A or B are not a monolithic or demographic homogeneous group. Many of these districts include schools that are seriously struggling, such as Jefferson Parish. Jefferson Parish District is rated as a B, but includes 22 schools that received individual ratings of D or F. Those schools are in communities where charters might otherwise believe they can find a market. Third, given the foregoing and what I know of a few Louisiana districts, some of these districts likely have some level of integration in their schools. This bill can help protect that integration. As a study of North Carolina schools revealed last year, charters in that state where becoming "whiter" while the traditional public schools were becoming "browner." As I argued here, charters schools can be dangerous in integrated school districts because they offer dissenters from integration an easy exit option. In North Carolina--traditionally the most integrated school system in the country--new charter schools appear to have created a hot-bed for those looking to exercise this exit option on the public dime. This Louisiana bill would limit that option there.
Peter Cook's summary of the bill follows the jump:
Tuesday, March 8, 2016
Last week, a federal district court approved of a plan to consolidate a Mississippi school district that was under a 1970 desegregation order. In 1970, the Starkville Municipal Separate School and the Oktibbeha County School Districts were ordered to end their dual school system and to create a unitary school systems under Alexander v. Holmes County Board of Education, 396 U.S. 19 (1969). In 2014, the Mississippi legislature voted to consolidate the two districts, but the Department of Justice objected to the consolidation plan, citing the 1970 desegregation order. In the recent case, Montgomery v. Starkville School District, the Northern District of Mississippi ordered Mississippi and DOJ to fashion a new desegregation order that would govern the consolidated district from the 2016-17 school year until it is declared unitary by the court. In approving the consent order, the court is requiring the district to set attendance zones, adhere to a majority-to-minority transfer policy, and submit various types of proof of the racial and ethnic composition of the schools in the consolidated district. The court also required the state to assign employees in such a way that "thatno school in the district could be considered a “white school” or “black school” by virtue of its administrator, faculty, or staff assignments." The court's opinion in Montgomery v. Starkville School District, No. 1:83-CV-00293-MPM (N.D. Miss. Mar. 3, 2016) can be found here.
Erika Wilson's forthcoming article, The New School Segregation, has been accepted for publication in the Cornell Law Review. I was lucky enough to get an advance look at it. It warns that that the recent school district secessions in places like Memphis, Baton Rouge, and Jefferson County, Alabama, are not aberrational at all, but rather the current evolution of a long and sordid history of resistance to integration. It is a must read for those concerned with the future of school integration, not just the past. The current draft is here on ssrn. She offers this abstract:
The South has a long and sordid history of resisting school desegregation. Yet after a long and vigorous legal fight, by the mid-1980’s, schools in the South eventually became among the most desegregated in the country. An important but often under appreciated tool that aided in the fight to desegregate schools in the South was the strategic use of school district boundary lines. Many school systems in the South deliberately eschewed drawing school district boundary lines around municipalities, and instead drew them around counties. The resulting county-based system of school districts allowed for the introduction of school assignment plans that crossed racially- and economically-segregated municipal boundary lines.
New Article Places Rachel Dolezal's Reverse Passing in the Context of Higher Education Diversity Debates
Khaled A. Beydoun and Erika K. Wilson's new article, Reverse Passing, has been accepted for publication in the UCLA Law Review. The current draft is here on ssrn. Based on downloads, it already seems to be generating significant attention. They offer this abstract:
Throughout American history untold numbers of people have concealed their true racial identities and assumed a white racial identity in order to reap the economic, political and social benefits associated with whiteness. This phenomenon is known as passing. While legal scholars have thoroughly investigated passing in its conventional form; the corollary process of reverse passing – the process in which whites conceal their true racial identity and present themselves as non-white – has not been closely investigated within legal scholarship.
Rachel Dolezal provides a timely study of the process of reverse passing. Dolezal – an Africana Studies Instructor and head of the Spokane, Washington NAACP – was outed as being white after years of phenotypically and culturally presenting herself as a Black woman. Dolezal’s “outing” generated much popular debate and scholarly discourse, most of which tended to frame her actions as a one-off occurrence by a deviant actor. This Article takes a contrary position.
Friday, March 4, 2016
New York Appleseed has released a new report New York City Elementary Schools: A Tale of Two Cities. The report finds that predominantly poor and minority elementary schools treated far differently than predominantly middle-income white schools. "This is particularly true when comparing the level of teacher experience and qualifications in each location." Cassie Schwerner, a member of the board of directors for New York Appleseed, says the report "completes a devastating body of evidence condemning our failure to prioritize reducing school segregation in New York City.” The report's major findings are as follows:
Tuesday, March 1, 2016
Early last month, I posted on claims of a racially hostile environment at Boston Latin School, a prestigious public magnet school with a long history of attempts to diversify--some of which were thwarted by the courts. As a new story in Ebony details, however, the problem is structural and runs deeper than the particular environment at Boston Latin School or another other prestigious magnet school. As the push for extremely high performing magnet schools in our nation's largest cities has grown, access for minority students appears to have shrunk. This has generated OCR and other complaints in places like Richmond, Virginia and New York City. Those complaints allege that the disparate access and disparate impact of these schools' enrollment practices and criteria violate the Department of Education's Title VI regulations.
Paula Rogo writes:
Throughout the country, there are examples of magnet high schools that struggle with diversifying their student ranks. New York City’s high schools are notorious for their lack of diversity. In 2014, only five percent of seats at the eight magnet schools were offered to Black students and seven percent to Latinos in a melting pot city where 70 percent of all public school students are either Black or Latino. At Stuyvesant High School, arguably the best in the city, just three percent of available seats in 2014 went to Black and Latino students.
New York City’s use of a test-only admission process for specialty high schools is said to be part of the problem since this gives White, Asian and male students a significant advantage, says New York University Professor Sean Corcoran who worked on a recent study that measured whether replacing the admission test would add more diversity (the study concluded that it has no significant effect). Corcoran says, however, that unless school admission officers take on a more “holistic approach” that considers more than just scores, they will continue to have issues adding diversity to their student body.
Boston Latin for example uses test scores and grades for entry into the school, not taking into consideration where the prospective students are from nor if they have done their elementary and middle school years in the Boston Public School system. Nearly half the school is White as compared to the nine percent who are Black.
Tuesday, February 16, 2016
Harvard brought together various professors from its different colleges and departments to talk about their research on social and economic inequality. The conclusion spanning the various disciplines was that educational inequality is at the center of the problem of inequality in general. Ronald Ferguson, for instance, explained:
Education may be the key to solving broader American inequality, but we have to solve educational inequality first. Ferguson says there is progress being made, there are encouraging examples to emulate, that an early start is critical, and that a lot of hard work lies ahead. But he also says, "There's nothing more important we can do."
"The position of U.S. black students is truly alarming," wrote Fryer, the Henry Lee Professor of Economics, who used the OECD rankings as a metaphor for minority standing educationally. "If they were to be considered a country, they would rank just below Mexico in last place."
He and others point out that enormous strides in closing education gaps occurred between 1970 and 1990, but then the nation hit a plateau and has been stuck ever since. The effects of this plateau reverberate in various life opportunities. The explanation for the plateau is, in large part, the nation's backtracking on segregation and inequality. The trend, however, can be reversed. Roland Fryer, an economist at Harvard,
Monday, February 15, 2016
This from the National Coalition on School Diversity:
The National Coalition on School Diversity (www.school-diversity.org) applauds Acting U.S. Secretary of Education John B. King Jr. for taking steps to address economic and racial isolation in American schools.
The Obama administration's 2017 budget, released yesterday, includes a $120 million request for “Stronger Together,” a new competitive funding program that would offer planning and implementation grants for voluntary, community-developed socioeconomic integration plans. According to the proposed budget, Stronger Together funds would support “comprehensive socioeconomic integration strategies,” to include: changes to attendance boundaries and student assignment policies; the establishment of schools that attract students from diverse backgrounds; community outreach and engagement efforts; faculty/staff recruitment, hiring, and training efforts; and activities designed to mitigate within-school segregation, etc.
We are also optimistic about the Administration’s requested budget increase for the Magnet Schools Assistance Program, which would be set aside to fund “a new competition giving priority to applicants proposing to make socioeconomic diversity a central factor in their efforts to increase racial integration.” Our coalition members have long advocated for funding increases for the Magnet Schools Assistance Program, and we continue to believe that efforts to promote racial and economic diversity should go hand in hand.
The Administration’s 2017 budget demonstrates a solid understanding of the research base that supports the use of integration strategies. Studies consistently show that racially, culturally, and socioeconomically diverse schools are strongly associated with a range of short and long term benefits for all racial groups. This includes gains in math, science, reading, and critical thinking skills and improvements in graduation rates. Research also demonstrates that diverse schools are better equipped than high-poverty schools to counteract the negative effects of poverty. Over the long-term, students who attend diverse schools are more likely than students from homogeneous schools to choose diverse colleges, neighborhoods, and workplaces later in life. They possess better critical thinking skills and analytical ability and are more likely to form cross-racial friendships.
Wednesday, February 10, 2016
Amy Stuart Wells, Lauren Fox, and Diana Cordova-Cobo have released a new report, How Racially Diverse Schools and Classrooms Can Benefit All Students, through The Century Foundation. Their introduction states:
A growing number of parents, university officials, and employers want our elementary and secondary schools to better prepare students for our increasingly racially and ethnically diverse society and the global economy. But for reasons we cannot explain, the demands of this large segment of Americans have yet to resonate with most of our federal, state, or local policymakers. Instead, over the past forty years, these policy makers have completely ignored issues of racial segregation while focusing almost exclusively on high-stakes accountability, even as our schools have become increasingly segregated and unequal.
This report argues that, as our K–12 student population becomes more racially and ethnically diverse, the time is right for our political leaders to pay more attention to the evidence, intuition, and common sense that supports the importance of racially and ethnically diverse educational settings to prepare the next generation. It highlights in particular the large body of research that demonstrates the importanteducational benefits—cognitive, social, and emotional—for all students who interact with classmates from different backgrounds, cultures, and orientations to the world. This research legitimizes the intuition of millions of Americans who recognize that, as the nation becomes more racially and ethnically complex, our schools should reflect that diversity and tap into the benefits of these more diverse schools to better educate all our students for the twenty-first century.
The advocates of racially integrated schools understand that much of the recent racial tension and unrest in this nation—from Ferguson to Baltimore to Staten Island—may well have been avoided if more children had attended schools that taught them to address implicit biases related to racial, ethnic, and cultural differences. This report supports this argument beyond any reasonable doubt.
In the forward to the report, Richard Kahlenberg emphasizes how timely and important the report is to moving forward an integration agenda:
Today, however, school integration—using new, more legally and politically palatable approaches—is getting a second look as an educational reform strategy.
For one thing, policymakers and scholars across the political spectrum are beginning to realize that ignoring the social science research on the negative effects of concentrated school poverty is not working to close large achievement gaps between races and economic groups. Diane Ravitch and Michelle Rhee—who represent opposite ends of our polarized debates over education reform—have both recently advocated new measures to promote school integration to raise the achievement of disadvantaged students.
What can give integration real political momentum, however, are not the documented benefits to low-income students, but the emerging recognition that middle- and upper-class students benefit in diverse classrooms.
Kahlenberg is not just blowing smoke. On Monday, Edweek reported that Secretary of Education, John King, and President Obama and proposing that Congress allocate new funding to help schools increase integration. Alyson Klein writes:
Monday, February 8, 2016
Celebrating the Brave Citizens of South Carolina Who Fought for Justice and Equality through the Briggs v. Elliott Litigation
On February 17, 2016, the historic Dock Street Theatre in Charleson will run a production of the play The Seat of Justice, which chronicles the story of Briggs v. Elliot, the South Carolina case that was consolidated as part of Brown v. Board of Education. This play will also count toward continuing legal education and feature a panel discussion led by SC Supreme Court Chief Justice Costa Pleicones and featuring US District Judge Richard Gergel and Circuit Court Judge Clifton Newman. The professional production features actors from New York and around the country.
For Information and to Reserve Your Seats, Contact Brian Porter, Director of Administration (843) 647-7373, email@example.com.
Friday, February 5, 2016
The United Nations’ Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent has released a statement regarding its recent visit to the United States. The visit heavily concentrated on the criminal justice system's treatment of African Americans, but it raised concerns regarding education several times. For instance, it wrote:
- The persistent gap in almost all the human development indicators, such as life expectancy, income and wealth, level of education and even food security, among African Americans and the rest of the US population, reflects the level of structural discrimination that creates de facto barriers for people of African descent to fully exercise their human rights.
- The cumulative impact of racially-motivated discrimination faced by African Americans in the enjoyment of their right to education, health, housing and employment, among other economic, social, cultural and environmental rights, has had serious consequences for their overall well-being. Racial discrimination continues to be systemic and rooted in an economic model that denies development to the poorest African American communities. More than ten million (26%) of African Americans remain mired in poverty and almost half of them (12%) live in what is known as “deep poverty”. The Working Group is particularly concerned about the fact that 48% of the households headed by African American women live under the poverty line.
- The zip code can determine to some extent the future development of young African Americans. People from Black poor neighbourhoods are more likely to face lower education achievements, more exposure to violence and crime, a tense interaction with the police, less employment opportunities, environmental degradation and low life expectancy rates as well.
OCR Finds Melrose Schools Failed to Adequately Respond to Teacher's Statement That a Student Should Not Act Like He Is on the "Plantation"
The Office for Civil Rights has completed its investigation of racial harassment in Melrose Public Schools in Massachusetts and entered into a settlement agreement with the school system. The investigation arose out of allegations that a teacher at Melrose Veterans Memorial Middle School had reprimanded an African American student and made a reference to "the plantation" or needing to "come back to the plantation." When meeting with the administration later, the teacher indicated she could not remember exactly what she said, but it was something to the effect of "don't talk to me like you're on a plantation." Of special note is also the fact that the student was attending Melrose as part of Boston's METCO program. The program allows students from the city to attend suburban schools, with the purpose being to increase diversity.
OCR investigated the matter and confirmed the incident. It found that the administration did not document the incident, but the did arrange a meeting in which the teacher would apologize to the student. In the meeting, the teacher "apologized for any misunderstanding that may have upset the Student, and she also told the Student that he should not feel subservient to her or demean himself, and described the Student's 'coming [teacher]' comment as akin to a remark that a 'slave' would make to a 'master.'"
Thursday, February 4, 2016
Boston Latin School is in the news again. Some of you may know it for its prestige, others for its tendency--good or bad--to be at the center of issues of race and education. The school's consideration of race in the 1990s led to the famed decision in Wessmann v. Gittens, 160 F.3d 790 (1st Cir. 1998). The court offered this background: