Friday, June 27, 2014
In its June 26 newsletter update, the Poverty and Race Research Action Council offered the following in regard to the Department of Education consideration of diversity in competitive grant programs:
In 2010, the Department of Education approved a series of funding priorities that could be included as incentives or threshold requirements in Department competitive grant programs - including a priority for promoting racial and ethnic diversity in schools. However, since the priority was approved, it has not appeared in most competitive grant funding notices, with the exception of the charter school notices, where it has been a fairly weak incentive, as compared to program incentives to maximize the number of low income children. This week in the Federal Register, the Department has proposed a set of revised funding priorities, including a revision to the diversity priority that includes socioeconomic diversity (in addition to race/ethnicity). We welcome this development insofar as it signals that the Department will now begin utilizing the diversity priority in all of its K-12 grant programs. However, we are concerned that it could represent a retreat from the Department's stated commitment to racial diversity - and we will be watching how this plays out in the next round of funding notices. Economic diversity is related to and complementary to racial integration in schools, but the two goals are not interchangeable.
The Department of Education's Federal Register notice is here.
Wednesday, June 25, 2014
Howard Law Journal has published its symposium issue on Fisher v. Texas. The symposium includes an introduction by Aderson Bellegarde Francois, Acts of Meaning: Telling and Retelling the Narrative of Race-Conscious Affirmative Action and the following articles and essays:
Derek W. Black, FISHER V. TEXAS AND THE IRRELEVANCE OF FUNCTION IN RACE CASES
Gregory S. Parks and Matthew W. Hughey, OPPOSING AFFIRMATIVE ACTION:THE SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND RACIAL ATTITUDES
Danielle Holley-Walker, DEFINING RACE-CONSCIOUS PROGRAMS IN THE FISHER ERA
Deborah N. Archer, COLLECTIVE OR INDIVIDUAL BENEFITS?: MEASURING THE EDUCATIONAL BENEFITS OF RACE-CONSCIOUS ADMISSIONS PROGRAMS
Aderson Bellegarde Franois, THE BRAND OF INFERIORITY: THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1875, WHITE SUPREMACY, AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
The whole issue is available here.
In its newest issue, Howard Law Journal also published Affirmative Action Survives Again in the Supreme Court on a Legal Technicality: An Analysis of Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin, by John Brittain. The essay is a more detailed statement of his keynote address at the Wiley A. Branton/Howard Law Journal Symposium entitled Civil Rights at a Critical Juncture: Confronting Old Conflicts and New Challenges. Professor Brittain's essay is available here: Download HOW301
Tuesday, June 17, 2014
The Century Foundation and Lumina Foundation are releasing The Future of Affirmative Action: New Paths to Higher Education Diversity after Fisher v. University of Texas today. The volume includes an introduction by Richard Kahlenberg and chapters Danielle Allen, John Brittain, Nancy Cantor, Anthony Carnevale, Dalton Conley, Arthur Coleman, Peter Englot, Matthew Gaertner, Sara Goldrick-Rab, Scott Greytak, Catharine Hill, Jessica Howell, Benjamin Landy, Richard McCormick, Nancy G. McDuff, Halley Potter, Alexandria Walton Radford, Stephen Rose, Richard Sander, Jeff Strohl, Teresa Taylor, and Marta Tienda.
[T]he authors tackle the critical questions: What is the future of affirmative action given the requirements of the Fisher court? What can be learned from the experiences of states that created race-neutral strategies in response to voter initiatives and other actions banning consideration of race at public universities? What does research by higher education scholars suggest are the most promising new strategies to promoting diversity in a manner that the courts will support? How do public policies need to change in order to tap into the talents of all students in a new legal and political environment?
The book proceeds in five parts: The Stakes; The Legal Challenge; State Experiences with Race-Neutral Strategies; Research on Promising Race Neutral Strategies; and Public Policy Proposals. You can read the book here, watch a webcast discussion of it here, read press coverage here, and get a summary of the key research from the Chronical of Higher Education here.
Friday, June 6, 2014
Halley Potter, research associate at The Century Foundation and David Tipson, director of New York Appleseed, published an interesting editorial in the New York Times this week calling for the elimination of gifted and talented programs in the New York City Schools. The editorial draws on a report published by Appleseed earlier this year: Segregation in NYC District Elementary Schools and What We Can Do About It: Addressing Internal Segregation and Harnessing the Educational Benefits of Diversity. They argue the gifted and talented program has a
long history of exacerbating socioeconomic and racial segregation within city schools. As of 2011, roughly 70 percent of all New York City public school students were black and Latino, but more than 70 percent of kindergartners in G&T programs were white or Asian. Successive attempts to fix the problems associated with G&T admissions have in many cases only increased disparities. These trends show no sign of reversing in newly released New York City Department of Education data, which confirm that wealthier community school districts continue to dominate G&T placements.
After discussing the harms of segregation, they call for the
New York City schools [to] take a schoolwide approach to gifted education, eliminating separate G&T tracks and incorporating identified students into mixed-ability classrooms. A number of New York City public schools, such asBELL Academy and Veritas Academy in Queens, already use the Schoolwide Enrichment Model, which Chancellor Carmen Fariña favors, to offer “gifted education for all” through academic enrichment tailored to each student’s strengths.
The link to the full article and the discussion board following it, see here. As you will see, it has generated an unusual amount of conversation.
Tuesday, May 27, 2014
Last month, OCR reached two significant settlement agreements. The first was with New Hampshire’s Manchester School District, School Administrative Unit #37. The settlement agreement was in response to tracking and unequal access to college and career preparatory courses for black and Latino students. The most stark disparities were in the district’s AP courses. "Despite the enrollment of 381 black students and 596 Latino students at the high schools, only 17 seats in AP classes went to black students and only nine seats in AP classes went to Latino students, out of the total of 434 seats in AP courses. At two of the three high schools, there were no Latino students enrolled in the AP courses." OCR found a number of structural barriers in the district's policies that lead to these disparities. The district agreed to several steps to address the disparities, the most notable of which were:
- Identify and implement strategies subject to OCR review and approval to increase student participation in its higher-level learning opportunities, particularly for underrepresented groups such as black, Latino and ELL students.
- Consider increasing the numbers and types of courses, adding more teachers qualified to teacher higher-level courses and revising selection criteria for enrollment in higher level learning opportunities if these are barriers to increased participation.
- Specifically assess the impact of assigning students to academic “levels” upon arrival at the high schools on their participation in higher-level learning opportunities, and consider eliminating the system of student assignment to levels or altering the current criteria or method of implementation.
- Specifically consider eliminating the GPA and class rank penalties associated with withdrawing from higher-level courses.
- Provide increased support for students enrolled in higher level learning opportunities through counseling, peer support groups and tutoring.
The other settlement agreement was with the Hazleton, Pa., Area School District. OCR found that English Language Learner (ELL) students in the district did not have access to equal educational opportunities and that the district was not adequately notifying their parents of information made available to other parents in English. More than 10 percent of Hazleton's students are ELLs, which would suggest a scale that should have allowed the district to operate a more robust program, but OCR found that the district was inappropriately excusing students from the English language development program, not providing the required instructional time for over 240 elementary school ELL students, not evaluating the effectiveness of its program, and not using an effective system to identify and communication with limited English proficient parents. The district agreed to take the following steps:
- Ensuring that students whose primary home language is not English will be promptly assessed for English language proficiency to determine eligibility for placement in an English language development program and that students will not be improperly exempted from assessment;
- Assessing students who were improperly exempted from language proficiency assessment to determine whether they may be eligible to receive English language development services;
- Conducting a comprehensive evaluation of the English language development program at each school level to determine its effectiveness and making modifications to address areas where the program is not meeting the district’s goals;
- Developing and implementing policies and procedures to ensure that LEP parents are notified, in a language they understand, of school activities that are called to the attention of other parents; and
- Providing training to appropriate staff on procedures for identifying language-minority parents and on policies and procedures for serving language minority parents.
Monday, May 26, 2014
Eric Cooper, President of the National Urban Alliance for Effective Education, offered this take on school diversity and workforce preparedness at Huffington Post. Given its interconnection with my recent essay at Ed Week, he agreed to cross-posting it here:
Students Who Encounter Diversity in School Are More Prepared for the Workforce
In May, we photograph high school students before the prom and marvel at these young adults, dressed in beautiful dresses and tuxes and posing against the green lawn and flowering trees of our yards. But what does the image we see through that lens tell us about education, racial progress and the march of history?
I had that thought this month as I watched my daughter and several of her friends being photographed at our house before the prom.
My wife and I listened to their banter. Like most high school seniors, they were comfortable, relaxed and talking excitedly about the prom and college in the fall. Yet in one very important respect, my daughter and her friends were atypical for high school students in many communities across this country. The young men and women being photographed were an unusually diverse group of black, white, Asian and Hispanic students.
Our daughter is lucky. She attends the Academy for Information, Technology & Engineering (AITE,) a regional magnet school in Stamford, Connecticut, that draws students from wealthy Greenwich to impoverished Bridgeport. The student body is as diverse as one finds on the streets of Broadway in nearby New York City. AITE students proudly identify themselves as black, white, Asian, Hispanic, mixed, gay, transgender, Native American, Muslim, Christian, Jewish, Hindu, atheist or agnostic.
This embrace of multiplicity carries through virtually every aspect of the school. Walk into the cafeteria and you will find students fluidly socializing across tables, rather than choosing to segregate by race, as happens in so many American high schools. Bullying and teasing are, I am told, non-issues, and when they do infrequently occur, the students for the most part "police" themselves and challenge each other to embrace tolerance.
There is no academic tracking. Within the Common Core-required coursework, students can choose to take advanced-level courses such as pre-calculus, The College Board's Advanced Placement Program, and can select college-level courses with participating institutions of higher education. AITE has a 99.4 percent graduation rate. Our daughter will soon graduate to attend a college of her choice.
As the prom pictures were taken, I couldn't help but look at my daughter and her friends through the lens of the 60th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. They represent the successes of the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision that desegregated public schools, and our community is so much richer for the example these children set for us today.
Monday, May 19, 2014
In Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court declared unlawful the segregation of African American schoolchildren from others in the nation’s schools. The Court boldly proclaimed that “in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place.” Indeed, given the importance of education, the Court stated that a state opportunity to receive an education “is a right that must be available to all on equal terms.”
In many ways, the Brown decision represented a “pay now” approach to education. The Court recognized that relegating a substantial segment of the population to separate and inferior educational opportunities would prevent African Americans from effectively entering into the civic, economic and cultural life of the nation as equals. The Court was not blind to the hard work that school desegregation would require. Instead, it recognized that this work was necessary to ensure a strong democracy, economy and international reputation. It recognized that it must “pay now or pay later” and it chose to “pay now” to begin closing the educational opportunity gap.
Unfortunately, the Court and other branches of the federal government ultimately abandoned this “pay now” approach to education. In fact, all three branches pushed for effective school desegregation for only a short time. Through a series of Supreme Court decisions and the retreat of the executive branch from school desegregation, the federal government invited a return to racially isolated schools and rejected any federal constitutional protection of a right to equal educational opportunity. In addition, the citizenry of the United States has failed to consistently call on its leaders to end longstanding disparities in educational opportunity.
Sixty years after Brown, the United States has fully embraced a “pay later” approach to education. In the face of robust research that reveals that low-income school districts demand greater resources to effectively educate their children, only 17states provide these communities with greater funding, according to a 2012 report entitled “Is School Funding Fair?” Although racial isolation in schools is too often accompanied by inferior educational opportunities and outcomes as well as concentrated poverty, the nation is permitting, and sometimes inviting, a return to separate and unequal schools, as Gary Orfield’s Civil Rights Project at UCLA has documented in numerous reports.
As a result of these decisions, the United States is forging a path toward economic colonization. The U.S. tolerance for an entrenched achievement gap has imposed upon the United States “the economic equivalent of a permanent national recession,” as a 2009 report from McKinsey & Company found in “The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools.”
Friday, May 16, 2014
Anniversaries always run the risk of distortion, as some attempt to recast past events in ways that further their own agenda. Meagan Hatcher-Mays, of Media Matters, wrote an interesting article yesterday surveying "conservative" media's reporting on the anniversary of Brown. She wrote:
On May 13, The Wall Street Journal ran an op-ed by former National Review Online contributor Abigail Thernstrom and her husband, Stephan Thernstrom, who misrepresented both the importance and legacy ofBrown by declaring it "an American success story" and its promise "fulfilled," while pushing the myth that the U.S. Constitution is "colorblind." Because apartheid schools are now technically prohibited, the Thernstroms also dismissed statistics that show schools have been rapidly resegregating in recent years, called integration efforts "racist," and ignored the well-documented link between housing segregation and the growing separation of schools based on class and race. Instead, the Thernstroms blame "the differential fertility rates of immigrants and natives" for our separate and unequal schools.
This most recent attack is part of a larger right-wing pattern of denying the continuation of systemic racial discrimination and advocating for the rollback of half a century of civil rights precedent and legislation.
When conservative media discuss Brown at all, it is usually to misrepresent the case's condemnation of a racial caste system designed to maintain white supremacy in order to champion education policies like voucher programs and school choice, or take offensive shots at civil rights leaders. For example, when Louisiana's voucher program was scrutinized for violating several long-standing desegregation orders, outlets likeNational Review Online compared Attorney General Eric Holder to segregationist Alabama Governor George Wallace, famous for blocking the University of Alabama's doors to black students in the wake of theBrown decision.
She goes on to discuss Justice Roberts' simplistic treatment of Brown in his opinion in Parents Involved v. Seattle Schools.
These mischaracterizations of Brown and its legacy pose serious dangers to our educational system. First, Brown is misused in the service of educational policies that are in question like charter schools and vouchers. Putting aside for the moment whether these are or are not good policies, these policies should stand on their own feet without distorting Brown. Distorting Brown robs us of legitimate debates over these policies. Second, distorting Brown distorts the problem of segregation, racial isolation, neighborhood schools or however one might phrase it. No one can deny our schools are and have been sorely unequal. No one can deny our schools contine to be racially isolated. Only by distorting Brown can one even begin to disconnect and minimize the importance of these two intertwined, undisputed facts.
Wednesday, May 14, 2014
Education Law Prof Blog co-editor Derek Black has written a commentary that is part of in Education Week's Brown at 60: New Diversity, Familiar Disparities series. In his piece, Black discusses why integration still matters for all students at a time when the Supreme Court and society are less inclined to support remedial solutions. In his commentary, Why Integration Matters in Schools, Black points out the benefits of integration for non-minorities:
Too often, the conversation around integration focuses exclusively on the benefits for poor and minority communities. However, integration holds substantial benefits for middle-income and white students as well. First, integrated schools improve critical thinking. In diverse environments, students are faced with new and varied perspectives and forced to think through their own or new positions more carefully, which improves their critical-thinking skills. Second, integrated schools better prepare students to navigate the multicultural world and global economy they will face upon graduation.
On these two metrics, whites are seriously disadvantaged. Data indicate that, to the surprise of many, whites are actually the most racially isolated student group in the nation (see charts, Page 31). Research demonstrates that this isolation ill prepares them for the future. Major corporations make this point even more concretely in briefs before the U.S. Supreme Court. They attest that they want graduates who are prepared to work in multicultural environments. Integrated schools produce these students.
In other words, white families who are concerned about long-term competitiveness need integrated schools as much as anyone.
Read more of Derek Black's commentary at Education Week here.
Friday, May 9, 2014
In the aftermath of the Supreme Court's decision upholding Michigan's ban on the consideration of race in admissions, the U.S. Departments of Education and Justice issued a dear colleague letter, reaffirming their earlier policy guidance in support of voluntary integration in K-12 and diversity in higher education. The text of the letter is as follows:
We are writing to confirm that the decision of the United States Supreme Court issued on April 22, 2014 in Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action, et al., leaves intact the Court’s prior holdings recognizing that institutions of higher education and elementary and secondary schools may use all legally permissible methods to achieve their diversity goals. These include, absent any restrictions in state law, appropriately tailored programs that consider the race of individual applicants as one of several factors in an individualized process to achieve the educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body.
The Departments of Education and Justice strongly support diversity in elementary, secondary, and higher education, because racially diverse educational environments help to prepare students to succeed in our increasingly diverse nation. The educational benefits of diversity, long recognized by the Court and affirmed in research and practice, include cross-racial understanding and dialogue, the reduction of racial isolation, and the breaking down of racial stereotypes. Furthermore, to be successful, the future workforce of America should transcend the boundaries of race, language, and culture as our economy becomes more globally interconnected.
In 2011, the Departments issued “Guidance on the Voluntary Use of Race to Achieve Diversity in Postsecondary Education” and the related “Guidance on the Voluntary Use of Race to Achieve Diversity and Avoid Racial Isolation in Elementary and Secondary Schools.” Additionally, in 2013, after the Supreme Court issued its decision in the Fisher case, we issued further guidance in the form of “Questions and Answers about Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin.” All three guidance documents remain in effect after the Schuette decision and are available at www.ed.gov and www.usdoj.gov. In a State with a provision like the one in effect in Michigan, which was upheld in Schuette, you should consult with an appropriate legal official, such as your State’s attorney general, with regard to your institution’s or agency’s ability to take actions consistent with these guidance documents.
We appreciate your interest in these matters and your commitment to help students succeed. Our offices stand ready to provide technical assistance should you or your colleagues need it on this important topic.
Monday, May 5, 2014
A new report by the Center for American Progress analyzes the teacher and student diversity in all fifty states. While nearly 1 out of 2 public school student are students of color, only 1 out of 5 teachers are. The report's major findings include:
- The gap between teachers and students of color continues to grow.
- Almost every state has a significant diversity gap.
- When we looked across racial and ethnic backgrounds, we found that the Hispanic teacher population had larger demographic gaps relative to students.
- Diversity gaps are large within districts.
The full report is here.
Friday, May 2, 2014
Pro Publica has published a new in-depth story on the current state of school desegregation orders. Its research unearthed mass confusion. Federal agencies were unable to accurately identify and verify all of the existing orders for which they are responsible. School districts, including their attorneys, were unaware they were still under order. Some incorrectly insisted they were never under order or had the order lifted recently. When the issue has been raised with courts, they have also been less than receptive to the idea of enforcing their own orders. Of course, all the while, school segregation has crept back up over the past two decades (although by some measures it has stabilized in recent years). The story explores any number of causes for the neglect, but the bottom line, as Mark Dorosin of the University of North Carolina Center for Civil Rights puts it, is: "The promises that were made to these kids have never been fulfilled from 40 years ago." His colleague, Elizabeth Haddix, adds, "Communities get caught sort of unaware about what they have a right to challenge and what is going on." The story also includes some nice commentary by Wendy Parker, Gary Orfield, and Brian Landsberg, all long-time school desegregation advocates and experts. The full story is here.
Monday, April 28, 2014
The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action affirmed the ability of states to ban the use of racial preferences in state institutions of higher education. Although those committed to diversity in higher education view this decision as further evidence of the erosion and eventual demise of affirmative action, this decision also should serve as a wake-up call that the nation must undertake a renewed effort to close the opportunity gap in elementary and secondary education.
The Supreme Court has been tolling the death knell for affirmative action for many years. The Schuette decision is merely further evidence that the end is not far off. In the 2003 decision in Grutter v. Bollinger, the court approved the consideration of race as one factor among many in creating a diverse class at the University of Michigan Law School. However, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s majority opinion noted that given the growing number of minority applicants who had earned high test scores and grades, “[w]e expect that 25 years from now, the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary to further the interest approved today.”
In the 2013 decision in Fisher v. University of Texas, the Supreme Court permitted colleges and universities to prove their continued need to sometimes consider the race of students to admit a diverse student body. Yet, the court’s constitutional analysis can trap many institutions between the Scylla of insufficient evidence on the racial composition needed to reap the benefits of diversity, and the Charybdis of specific evidence regarding how much diversity they seek, which the court is likely to label a quota.
Undoubtedly, Schuette’s approval of state bans on racial preferences will advance the eventual demise of affirmative action by removing all constitutional barriers to such bans. Schuette also will embolden supporters of those bans to seek similar bans in other states.
The erosion and impending demise of affirmative action must serve as a reminder that the continued need to use affirmative action is caused in substantial part by the nation’s failure to remedy the opportunity gap that continues to plague our nation’s elementary and secondary schools. Far too many minority students and poor students of all races continue to attend schools with the least effective teachers, inadequate resources and poorly maintained facilities when compared to their more affluent peers, as President Obama’s Equity and Excellence Commission report confirmed last year.
The need to end this deeply entrenched opportunity gap is a moral imperative for the foundation of a just and equitable society. Justice Anthony Kennedy acknowledged this when he stated that “[t]his Nation has a moral and ethical obligation to fulfill its historic commitment to creating an integrated society that ensures equal opportunity for all of its children” in his 2007 opinion in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District.
Moreover, both those who support affirmative action and those who seek to abolish it bear the heavy costs of the educational opportunity gap. Research establishes that the current failure to provide an adequate education to all schoolchildren costs the nation billions in lost taxes, public assistance, criminal justice support and health care costs. For instance, the nation forfeits $156 billion in income and tax revenues during the life span of each cohort of students who do not graduate from high school. (“The Price We Pay: Economic And Social Consequences Of Inadequate Education,” Clive R. Belfield & Henry M. Levin, eds. 2007). Furthermore, the cost of the opportunity gap will increasingly weaken our economy as the changing economy demands more workers with higher-level skills and the number of Hispanic and African-American children becomes an increasingly larger share of the school-age population.
Affirmative action is in part a bandage that seeks to reduce the hemorrhaging from our broken elementary and secondary school system. It is important to keep this bandage in place as long as possible or the hemorrhaging will increase. Therefore, those committed to diverse institutions of higher education and a diverse workforce must continue to push for race-sensitive approaches as well as race-neutral means to achieve diversity in higher education.
In addition to these critical efforts, the United States must wake up to the need for comprehensive reforms that close the educational opportunity gap. Scholars, activists, business leaders and ultimately the public must call on leaders in Congress and the White House, as well as in state legislatures and local school boards, to take action to close this gap. Ultimately, if the nation fails to take on this challenge now, it does so at its own peril.
Kimberly Jenkins Robinson is a professor at the University of Richmond School of Law and a senior fellow at the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice at Harvard Law School. Contact her at email@example.com.
Wednesday, April 23, 2014
Yesterday, the Court held in Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action that the Michigan referendum, which amended the state constitution to prohibit the consideration of race in admissions following Grutter v. Bollinger, was constitutional. The plaintiffs had alleged that the Michigan amendment violated equal protection under the Court's political process theory, most recently articulated in Washington v. Seattle Schools, 458 U.S. 457 (1982). In Washington, the state had banned integrative busing (except that required by court order), which invalidated the Seattle School District's voluntary desegregation plan.
The plaintiffs in Schuette argued that the Michigan amendment put minorities and minority interests at a distinct disadvantage in securing favorable laws, just as the state had in Washington. An alum of the University of Michigan could, for instance, petition for favorable admissions policies and considerations for children of alums without needing to resort to a consitutional amendment, but after Michigan's referendum, those advocating for racial diversity considerations would be precluded from securing favorable legislation or policies without first passing a constitutional amendment. This, they say, violates equal protection in the political process.
The Court rejected their claim by a vote of 6-2 (Kagan recused herself), but there was no majority opinion agreeing on the rationale. Three justices (led by Kennedy) distinguished the Washington line of cases as being about states changing the political process in such a way that made it more difficult to remedy discrimination and/disadvantage. In other words, those three justices read the political process theory to preclude states from locking in a political process that made it more difficult to remedy discrimination. They reasoned that Shuette did not involve limits on remedying discrimination, but limits on using racial preferences. The latter is distinct and, thus, the political process theory does not apply to Michigan's actions here.
In a separate opinion, Justice Scalia, joined by Thomas, reasoned that the political process theory would apply here and that the facts of Schuette are not distinct. He, however, argued that the political process theory was itself a flawed doctrine and should be overturned. The proper standard would be the intentional discrimination standard, which the plaintiffs could not meet here.
Justice Breyer, writing alone, reasoned that this case did not involve a change in the political process, but simply a constitutional amendment, which was permissible. The U.S. Constitution permits race conscious admissions, but does not require them. Thus, voters are free to reject them.
Justice Ginsberg and Sotomayor argued that the Washington line of cases applied and this amendment violates that precedent, per the plaintiffs' rationale discussed above.
In most respects, the case does not change much (at least not yet). It did not change the holding in Grutter. The issue of whether diversity is a compelling interest was simply not before it, which the Court emphasized. The only issue before it was that of altering the political process by which a state or locality makes decisions about race. In other words, at what level of government should issues of integration, diversity, busing, and discrimination be made and when can those decision-making rules be changed so as to make certain racially progressive policies more difficult. Cases premised on this precise contextual question have only come before the Court a few times in the past and do not involve a rich doctrinal development. So while the Court did appear to limit that doctrine, it was never a widely used doctrine.
The case does sanction anti-affirmative action legislation, but the fervor for that legislation was greatest following Grutter, not now. There is nothing in Schuette to incite or upset anti-affirmative action advocates. With that said, I will leave further discussion to others who have spent more time thinking seriously about this case. A few have already contacted me and I hope to have their thoughts soon.
Tuesday, April 22, 2014
As many of you know, the 60th Anniversary of the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education is just a couple weeks away. In advance of the anniversary, numerous organizations, media outlets, and individuals have been reflecting on and updating our history of school desegregation and resegregation. ProPublica, in particular, has released an extensive report, Segregation Now, which chronicles the story of desegregation in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, and tells the story of students attending schools today that strongly resemble those of the pre-Brown era. Below is a sampling of other articles and commentary.
From Jose Vilson, Racism without Racists: The School Resegregation Edition.
From the Star-Leger, Six Decades after Brown v. Board of Education, NJ's Schools Are Still Segregated.
From my perspective, the conversation this time around--as opposed to the 50th Anniversary--is less alarmist in tone. The story last time was more shocking and came at a time when the possibility of stemming the tide of resegregation seemed more important (to more more people) and potentially within reach. This time, unfortunately, some commentaries seem to lament the loss of integration but accept it. After all, the national conversation regarding education policy and improvement now tends only to turn to segregation on anniversaries. In fact, I posit that it still remains to be seen whether it will be part of the national conversation this time around. We have three weeks to see.
Wednesday, April 2, 2014
On Friday, May 2nd, Teachers College, Columbia University will host a one-day event for policy makers, educators, and activists to celebrate victories and identify major setbacks on the road to the suburban promise of Brown. The title of the event is The Suburban Promise of Brown: Addressing Challenges to Sustaining Racially Diverse Schools and Communities. The flyer summarizes the conference as follows:
Once seen as havens for middle-class whites fleeing the cities, the American suburbs have become far more diverse, putting them at the epicenter of the struggle for integration and equal opportunity. Much progress is being made around these issues, especially in the area of fair housing, but the crisis of separate and unequal schools is as salient in the suburbs as anywhere.
Registration and the full schedule are here.
Friday, March 28, 2014
A new report by the Civil Rights Project finds that New York “has the most segregated schools in the country.” Weighing the state down is New York City, “home to the largest and one of the most segregated public school systems in the nation.” This was not always the case, says the report. “Forty years ago, school desegregation was a serious component of the state’s education policy, as a result of community pressure and legal cases.” But “[a]round the time of Reagan’s administration, the state moved away from desegregation efforts and instead focused on other practices and policies like accountability systems, school choice, and charter schools.” Today, those policies, particularly school choice, “are exacerbating racial isolation as demographics continue to change.”
The report takes an interesting new tactic on the question of high performing minority schools, the idea of which drives the charter school movement. The Civil Rights Project writes: “Can separate be equal, yes. If measured by test scores, a few resegregated schools show high performance." This point is one that often breaks down discussions about integration, even within the minority community, because some believe that integration policy is a statement that minority schools cannot be successful. Thus, the Civil Rights Project allows that they can (even if inconsistently) and moves on to more important points. It writes, "even if equality can be reached between racially isolated schools, students may never achieve the skills and abilities required to navigate an increasingly diverse nation.” Moreover, 60 years of research demonstrates that integrated schools produce greater academic achievement, higher future earnings, better health outcomes for minority students, reduced racial prejudice, and greater interracial communication skills.
The report argues that school segregation is not inevitable in New York. In fact, the conditions are ripe for integration. There is “a growing diversity of student enrollment in schools and school districts across the state and main metropolitan areas, particularly in urban schools.” Education policy has simply failed to tap into it, instead allowing segregation to persist, if not increase.
Thursday, March 20, 2014
One Nation Indivisible has released its newest story, Utah's Bilingual Boon, which profiles Spanish two-way bilingual programs in which native English speaking and native Spanish speaking students share classrooms and learn together in both languages. These two way programs are part of a larger, state-supported language immersion effort. This story took One Nation Indivisible to rural, urban and suburban schools in Heber City, Park City and Kamas. See the full story here.
Tuesday, March 18, 2014
Sean Reardon and Ann Owens have released 60 Years After Brown: Trends and Consequences of School Segregation, which is forthcoming in the Annual Review of Sociology. The primary focus of the paper is whether segregation has increased since 1990. Civil Rights Project reports and others have, of course, popularized the "resegregation" of public schools, finding a sharp upward trend over the last two decades. Another smaller group of scholars (Vigdor and Glaeser) have claimed the opposite: that segregation is coming to an end. Reardon and Owens attempt to mediate this disagreement, which they claim stems from different methodology between the two camps. Reardon and Owens agree that minorities attend school with fewer whites today than they did 20 years ago. In this respect, one could argue they are more segregated. But Reardon and Owens stress that more minorities attend public school today than 20 years. Thus, by necessity, they attend schools that are more populated by minorities than whites. This change is not the equivalent of "resegregation." To analyze resegregation, they say, one must factor in this growth in the percentage of minorities attending public schools. Accounting for this growth, they find that segregation levels have remained relatively stable since the 1990s. They point out, however, that this does not mean that schools are free of troubling trends. For instance, there are still issues of socio-economic segregation and classroom segregation that have not been fully explored.
I would also emphasize a more important takeaway. Our schools were never "integrated." In the South, for instance, 4o percent of African Americans in the South attended integregated schools by the end of the 1980s, which was signficant progress, but far from full integration. In the North, nowhere near as much progress was made. Thus, to say they have not resegregated is not to say everything is fine or we can breath a sigh of relief. Rather, it is to say that the work in progress from the 1980s remains unfinished. Our only victory, if you want to call it that, is that we have not gone backward as far as we might have thought.
Reardon and Owens' abstract is as follows:
Since the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, researchers and policymakers have paid close attention to trends in school segregation. While Brown focused on black-white segregation, here we review the evidence regarding trends and consequences of both racial and economic school segregation. In general, the evidence regarding trends in racial segregation suggests that the most significant declines in black-white school segregation occurred at the end of the 1960s and the start of the 1970s. Although there is disagreement about the direction of more recent trends in racial segregation, this disagreement is largely driven by different definitions of segregation and different ways of measuring it. We conclude that the changes in segregation in the last few decades are not large, regardless of what measure is used, though there are important differences in the trends across regions, racial groups, and institutional levels. Limited evidence on school economic segregation makes documenting trends difficult, but in general, students are more segregated by income across schools and districts today than in 1990. We also discuss the role of desegregation litigation, demographic changes, and residential segregation in shaping trends in both racial and economic segregation.
One of the reasons that scholars, policymakers, and citizens are concerned with school segregation is that segregation is hypothesized to exacerbate racial or socioeconomic disparities in educational success. The mechanisms that would link segregation to disparate outcomes have not often been spelled out clearly or tested explicitly. We develop a general conceptual model of how and why school segregation might affect students and review the relatively thin body of empirical evidence that explicitly assesses the consequences of school segregation. This literature suggests that racial desegregation in the 1960s and 1970s was beneficial to blacks; evidence of the effects of segregation in more recent decades, however, is mixed or inconclusive. We conclude with discussion of aspects of school segregation on which further research is needed.
Monday, March 17, 2014
Osamudia R. James' new article, Opt-Out Education: School Choice as Racial Subordination, is now available on westlaw at 99 Iowa L. Rev. 1083 (2014). Her abstract summarizes the article as follows:
Despite failure to improve academic outcomes or close the achievement gap, school-choice policies, advanced by education legislation and doctrine, have come to dominate public discourse on public education reform in the United States, with students of color disproportionately enrolling in voucher programs and charter schools. This Article moves past the typical market-based critiques of school choice to analyze the particularly racialized constraints on choice for marginalized students and their families in the public school system. The Article unpacks the blame-placing that occurs when the individualism and independence that school choice and choice rhetoric promote fail to improve academic outcomes, and the ways in which choice merely masks racial subordination and the abdication of democratic values in the school system. Students of color and their families may be opting out, but their decisions to do so neither improve public education nor reflect genuine choice. This Article ultimately argues that the values underlining school choice and choice rhetoric?like privacy, competition, independence, and liberty?are inherently incompatible with the public school system. The Article concludes by suggesting an alternate legal and rhetorical framework acknowledging the vulnerability of minority students, as well as the interdependence between white students and non-white students in the system, and it advances strict limitations on school choice, even, if necessary, in the form of compulsory universal public school education.