Tuesday, September 1, 2015
In the spring of 2008, shortly after it became pretty clear that Barrack Obama would secure the democratic nomination for president, the then-dean of Howard Law School, Kurt Schmoke, convened a lunch time town hall at the school to discuss the upcoming election and the potential history it would make. I posed the question of whether it was possible that Obama's election might spell a step backward on several of the issues that we held most dear. The response suggested that my question bordered on blasphemy, but fortunately I was surrounded by lawyers and bright students who politely moved on to the euphoria of the times.
I fully supported his presidency and served in the administration's transition team after the election, but I had a sneaking suspicion that we were too optimistic. What we needed was a good dose of Derrick Bell-style skepticism. He was not there, so I played the inadequate fill-in. My concern was not that Obama would lack the conscience of our convictions but that he would face political and cultural opposition that a white candidate pushing those same convictions would not.
Seven years later, I realize that I underestimated how hard progress on issues like integration would be. My Derrick Bell-style skepticism is too shallow most of the time. I do not know if the reason why we have seen so little progress is because the administration lacked our convictions, decided pursuing them was futile, or thought it would undermine other policies that it favored more. Regardless, it has been disappointing, particularly for groups like the National Coalition on School Diversity, which has consistently pushed these issues before the administration. As we near the end of the Obama administration, the media is finally taking stock. The New York Times has run a few stories and editorials in the past year on school integration, but none as pointed as The American Prospect this weekend:
Many advocates had hoped to see the Obama administration take steps to address rising school segregation, but so far its record has not been great. While the Department of Education has paid lip service to the need to promote integrated schools, and has included modest diversity incentives within a handful of federal grants, it refused to use larger education initiatives like Race to the Top to encourage states and districts to prioritize school diversity. In some cases, the department actually pushed policies that made segregation worse.
Read the full article here.
Monday, August 31, 2015
This from the National Coalition on School Diversity:
On behalf of the National Coalition on School Diversity, we invite you to attend our third national conference, "21st Century School Integration: Building the Movement for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion,"which will take place in DC on September 24-25th.
The National Coalition on School Diversity (www.school-diversity.org) is a network of nearly 30 national civil rights organizations, university-based research centers, and state and local coalitions working to expand support for government policies that promote school diversity and reduce racial isolation. We also support educators, parents, and students working to create and sustain integration at state and local levels. Our work is informed by an advisory panel of scholars and academic researchers whose work relates to issues of equity, diversity, and desegregation/integration.
NCSD’s conferences consistently engage a diverse group of 250-300 key stakeholders—advocates, researchers/scholars, educators, integration program directors, parents, students, and activists—in dialogue with policymakers and one another about K-12 school integration. While it's rarely a top reform priority, many organizations share our concern about racial and socioeconomic isolation in our nation's K-12 public schools. We convene to publicly recognize our collective support for proactive integration strategies. For practitioners seeking support and training to be more effective in their integration efforts, NCSD’s conferences are one of few spaces where integration-specific professional development is available.
REGISTER TODAY! (There is a special reduced rate for students)
Friday, August 21, 2015
A new study by Seth Gershenson, Stephen Holt, and Nicholas Papageorge finds a disturbing trend of racially disparate expectations for students based on race. The abstract offers this summary:
Teachers are an important source of information for traditionally disadvantaged students. However, little is known about how teachers form expectations and whether they are systematically biased. We investigate whether student-teacher demographic mismatch affects high school teachers’ expectations for students’ educational attainment. Using a student fixed effects strategy that exploits expectations data from two teachers per student, we find that nonblack teachers of black students have significantly lower expectations than do black teachers. These effects are larger for black male students and math teachers. Our findings add to a growing literature on the role of limited information in perpetuating educational attainment gaps.
More specifically, they find that "relative to teachers of the same race and sex as the student, other-race teachers were 12 percentage points less likely to expect black students to complete a four-year college degree. Such effects were even larger for other-race and other-sex teachers, for black male students, and for math teachers. In addition to being statistically significant, these effects are arguably practically significant as well, as they constitute more than half of the black-white gap in teacher expectations."
Read the full study here.
Tuesday, August 18, 2015
The New York State Education Department has released the data from the standardized tests administered to elementary students at the end of this past academic year. The opt-out movement scored a much bigger victory (if victory was its goal) than I ever would have imagined. Some students opted out for valid health and other reasons, but a whopping twenty percent of students refused to take the tests without any valid excuse. Presumably they objected based on principle.
A five or so percent opt out would have done little to upset the status quo, but one of this size has enormous ramifications. First, as a condition of receiving federal education money, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (No Child Left Behind) mandates that 95% of students take the test. The Secretary of Education has the power to waive a number of requirements, but the Secretary cannot waive this requirement. Congress wanted this one to stick. As analyzed in an earlier post, this poses a real quandary. The purpose of the provision was to make sure that schools did not conveniently exempt their weakest students from the test to push up their pass rate. But when students simply refuse to take the test, holding the school accountable seems unfair and contrary to the purpose of the Act. The Secretary could take a page from the reasoning of King v. Burwell (the recent Affordable Care Act decision offering a creative reading of the Act to save individual tax credits) and ignore the statutory language and violation. But absent creative reasoning, New York is in violation it cannot escape.
Tuesday, August 11, 2015
For those who missed it, a recent episode of This American Life did an excellent job over covering the benefits of school integration and the pitfalls of segregation. It also includes a close look on how segregation shaped the context in which the Ferguson, Missouri, events unfolded. The website offers this summary:
Right now, all sorts of people are trying to rethink and reinvent education, to get poor minority kids performing as well as white kids. But there's one thing nobody tries anymore, despite lots of evidence that it works: desegregation. Nikole Hannah-Jones looks at a district that, not long ago, accidentally launched a desegregation program. First of a two-part series.
Listen to the episode here.
Thursday, July 23, 2015
Edbuild has released an interactive map that includes every school district in the country. You can zoom in and out and hover over individual school districts. Without leaving the page, it will tell you size of the student population and the percent of poor students attending the school district. I spent some time with it this morning and could not stop looking around at different locations. It is an exceptional teaching and researching tool for school segregation.
In past years, I have used the clunky method of downloading census track maps, going to school district websites, transposing the district data onto the map, and then moving the map around on an overhead projector. It works, but there is a limit to how much information you can throw at students in this format and a limit to how long students can tolerate me physically manipulating the map and trying to explain some point at the same time. This interact map by Edbuild does almost all the work for you ahead of time and it is also well color-coded.
Wednesday, July 8, 2015
OCR's Dismissal of Asian Americans' Claim of Discrimination Against Harvard Is Much Ado About Nothing
Yesterday, a number of major new outlets, from the Wall Street Journal and the AP to the Bloomberg and US News & World Report, published stories on the fact that the Office for Civil Rights dismissed the complaint that Asian Americans recently filed against Harvard. The complaint alleged that Harvard systematically discriminates against them in the admissions process. The substance of the complaint and the prestige of the university against which it was filed are both significant. See my prior post on the complaint. That OCR dismissed the complaint, however, is not.
After filing the complaint, the plaintiffs had also filed a lawsuit in federal court. The federal court's jurisdiction exceeds and can preempt that of OCR's. Thus, even if OCR had left the complaint open, the final word would have belonged to the federal court. That OCR, which has a rapidly growing case load, would choose to avoid devoting resources to this complex case makes perfect sense. This not a substantive judgement on the merits of the complaint, as some headlines would leave readers to believe, but just good stewardship of federal dollars. Moreover, if there are issues the federal court does not address, the plaintiffs will be free to revive their complaint with OCR.
Tuesday, June 23, 2015
Well, it's not quite as simple as the title suggests, but a new study by two graduate students from Rice and Duke finds
"that the legacy of slavery contributes to black-white education disparities through greater public-private school racial segregation". . . . Using regression analysis to explain differences in the degree of attendance disparities across most counties in the South, researchers found a correlation between historical geographic slave concentration and modern day K-12 school segregation. An increase in slave concentration is related to greater underrepresentation of white students in public schools.
In other words, the more slaves who lived in a particular geographic location the more likely white students are to attend private school today.
To be clear, several factors influence white enrollment in private schools, but the correlation between the concentration of African American students and white enrollment in private schools is strongest "in states where slavery was most strongly rooted. . . . The study found that the black population concentration relationship only holds in the original Confederate States, or Deep South: Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina and Texas." In the Deep South, when African Americans near and cross fifty percent of the student population, white enrollment plummets, with whites' eventually attending private school at more than twice the rate as minorities. The same disparities are not true in the upper south.
Download the full study here.
Thursday, June 11, 2015
The American Institutes of Research has released a nine-year study, What Happens When Schools Become Magnet Schools? A Longitudinal Study of Diversity and Achievement (Julian Betts, UC San Diego and Sami Kitmitto, Jesse D. Levin, Hans Bos, and Marian Eaton, AIR). The AIR study found that while there was some evidence that the schools were successful in increasing diversity, there was inconclusive evidence of increased student achievement. The AIR reviewed the performance of 21 elementary schools in 11 school districts from 2002-2011. From the AIR's report, here are the key findings:
- The most concrete evidence of conversion’s effects was a decline in the concentration of minority students in traditional magnet schools. On average, neighborhood schools that converted to magnet schools initially served 84.5 percent minority students, compared to an average of 64.1 percent in their district. After conversion, the percentage of minority students at traditional magnet schools remained virtually unchanged (84.9 percent) while the concentration of minorities in the district as a whole rose to 66.3 percent. Thus, the demographics of the magnet school became more like those of the district—one goal of this type of conversion.
- Achievement in traditional magnet schools was higher after conversion, outpacing district achievement in English language arts (ELA), but not in math. Average ELA achievement in traditional schools went up by an average of 8.1 percentile points, while average achievement in the districts went up by an average of 5.6 percentile points.
- Achievement in destination magnet schools lost ground to their districts over the conversion period. After conversion, ELA achievement in the districts increased by 6.9 percentile points while achievement in the magnet schools changed little, rising just 1.4 percentile points. Average math achievement in the districts rose 8.9 percentile points after conversion while achievement in the magnet schools did not change.
Friday, June 5, 2015
For the past five or so years, concerned citizens have been in active litigation with the Pitt County Board of Education. The litigation arises out of a longstanding desegregation order, which seems to have to come an end with the most recent decision in the case. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a district court had found both the county and city school systems to be segregated and ordered them remedy to their constitutional violations. They were slow to do so. In 1986 the districts merged into one county system, believing this might help in the overall management of student assignments. No court ever declared either district unitary.
Fast forward to 2006 when the district adopted a student assignment plan that explicitly considered race and whose purpose was to racially balance the schools. At this point, the district was still under court order. Thus, not only could it have taken such action, Supreme Court precedent in Green v. New Kent County and Swann v. Mecklenberg would have mandated such action.
A private parent association, however, objected to this desegregation plan and employed a strategy similar to the one that had brought an end to desegregation in Charlotte: they moved to have the district declared unitary and, thus, subject the consideration of race to strict scrutiny.
Monday, May 25, 2015
Thursday, May 21, 2015
For those who missed it, NY Magazine has a fascinating article on one elementary school's attempt to teach students how to navigate issues of race. It is a clearly thought out curriculum, but one involving a highly controversial practice: segregating students. The segregation is temporary and involves students breaking into their racial groups to discuss issues of race. In these smaller groups, the thought is that students would more openly and honestly discuss the issues, after which all students would reassemble and hopefully have a better interracial dialogue, rather than just being polite. The other thought was that this two step process would also help all groups feel a sense of equal belonging and ownership in the community. The curriculum is also designed to teach students that not talking about or recognizing race is an ineffective strategy for dealing with issues of race.
Get the full story here.
Monday, May 18, 2015
The 61st anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education passed this weekend. Last year's 60th brought a fair amount of commentary and reflection. This year, it understandably passed with relatively little. Credit to Rebecca Klein at Huffington Post, however, for pulling together a series of data snapshots on the state of segregation and inequality in our public schools. In very easy to follow graphics, she shows the racially inequitable funding of schools, the racially inequitable access to middle income peers (a topic which I analyze in-depth here), racially inequitable access to high quality teachers, the graduation gap, the racial demographics of teachers, and racially disparate discipline.
Friday, May 1, 2015
The Office for Civil Rights has released its 2013-2014 report to Congress and the President. From my perspective, past reports have been dense and un-illuminating. This current one strikes a very different approach. First, it is very well written. Second, it is very well framed and organized. Third, and maybe most important, it is incredibly informative. Fourth, it is analytical. Fifth, it is visually appealing. Sixth, it implicitly suggests courses of action or concern. Overall, it presents as a study in the state of civil rights and equity in our nation's schools, rather than a bureaucratic account of the beans counted in the past two years.
May 1, 2015 in Bullying and Harassment, Discipline, Discrimination, English Language Learners, Equity in education, Federal policy, Gender, Racial Integration and Diversity, Special Education | Permalink | Comments (0)
Thursday, April 30, 2015
The Century Foundation and Poverty & Race Research Action Council's new report A Better Start: Why Classroom Diversity Matters in Early Education is now available. It describes racial, ethnic and economic disparities in preschool. Halley Potter, a contributor to the report, remarks "As policymakers consider the best ways to set our nation's children on a path to success, we hope this report will encourage our leaders to enact creative policy solutions that increase the opportunities for children of different socioeconomic and racial backgrounds to learn together in the same classrooms."
- Read a summary of the findings
- Download the full report
- See coverage of the report in the Washington Post
Wednesday, April 29, 2015
Last week a federal court approved a consent order to put Huntsville, Ala. on the road to unitary status. The Huntsville schools must still comply with a decades-old federal desegregation order, but the consent order is a "plan to plan" to end the imbalances that led to federal oversight. In its order, the court wrote a message to the district's students in the district, urging them to show openness and patience as the school system rezoned them for new schools. Last year, the district court expressed skepticism about the district's progress toward unitary status, citing among other things, continued racial imbalance in the city's schools, discrepancies in disciplinary rates, and racial achievement gaps on measures of academic performance. Under the consent order, the school system is tasked with making progress in areas identified in the original desegregation order: (1) desegregation of faculty and staff; (2) majority to minority transfers; (3) equity in school construction and site selection; (4) interdistrict transfers; (5) equity in services, facilities, activities, and programs, including athletics and other extracurricular activities; and (6) equity in transportation. The consent order in Hereford v. Huntsville Bd. of Educ. is here.
Tuesday, April 28, 2015
Helen Ladd, Charles Clotfelter, and John Holbein have released a new study on North Carolina's charter schools that will only intensify the debate between charter school and civil rights advocates. A few reports, most notably those by the UCLA Civil Rights Project, have charged that charter schools are more segregated than traditional public schools. Those reports have been criticized as overstating the matter and unfairly framing the evidence (by comparing charters to dissimilar public school systems).
Ladd's study addresses the issue with more precision by focusing only on North Carolina and looking at the change in charters and public schools over time. By measuring change over time, Ladd is able to compare charters to themselves and public schools to themselves, mooting claims of unfair comparisons. This analysis reveals an extremely troubling dynamic. As the chart below shows, charter schools are becoming "whiter" and traditional public schools more heavily populated by students of color.
Thursday, April 23, 2015
The UCLA Civil Rights Project has released a new report detailing the progress in school integration in Connecticut and the lack thereof in New York and Massachusetts. Connecticut's success, of course, is an outgrowth of the litigation in Sheff v. O'Neill, which held that de facto segregation in the schools violated the state constitution's guarantee of equal educational opportunity. Among the report's most important statewide findings in Connecticut are:
- The white share of the total public school enrollment dropped in the state from 76.8% to 59.9% between 1987 and 2012 while the Latino and Asian share increased substantially as was happening across the U.S. The proportion of Latino students more than doubled, rising from 8.8 to 20.1% over the last twenty-five years. The basic story is that fewer white children were born and the population change reflected the large immigrations to the U.S. from Latin America and Asia. The change did not reflect a surge of black enrollment.
- The overall share of African American and Latino students who attended intensely segregated schools (90-100% minority schools) and apartheid schools (99-100% minority schools) decreased. There was a significant drop in extreme segregation.
- The share of students living in poverty nearly doubled over the last fifteen years from 19.5% to 36.2%, also reflecting national trends. In 2012, the typical African American student attended a school with 63.1% poor students, but the typical white student had 22.3% classmates from low-income families. Segregation was double segregation for students of color.
- Educational outcomes were clearly related to segregation. The overall graduation rate was positively correlated with the proportion of white and Asian students but was negatively linked with the black and Latino share in a school. Academic performance showed the same pattern. This was related to many historic and contemporary inequalities associated with race and ethnicity in U.S. society. The report summarizes a half century of research on the benefits of integration.
- Connecticut’s magnet schools showed great potential of promoting racially integrated schools. In 2012-2013, magnet schools in Connecticut enrolled a more balanced number of students from each racial group (e.g., 30.2% whites, 31.4% blacks, 30.5% Latinos, and 4.4% Asians) as compared to non-magnet schools, which enrolled 61.7% whites, 11.6% blacks, 19.5% Latinos, and 4.8% Asians. Additionally, the typical student of each racial group in Connecticut’s magnet schools attended a similar percentage of low-income students, ranging from 49% to 59%; however, there were noticeable racial disparities in contact with poor students in non-magnet schools from 21% to 62%.
- Connecticut charter schools are far more segregated than traditional public or magnet schools.
This overall positive trend, however, belies the variation between metropolitan areas in the state, with some doing very poorly in terms of integration, and all needing to do more to fully integrate their schools.
Tuesday, April 21, 2015
A new report by the National Women's Law Center and the Poverty and Race Research Action Council, Finishing Last: Girls of Color and School Sports Opportunities, finds that
Nationwide, 40 percent of heavily minority schools have large athletics gaps for female students, compared to only 16 percent of heavily white schools. . . . [A]t both the state and national level heavily minority schools typically provide fewer sports opportunities—defined as spots on teams—compared to heavily white schools. Heavily minority schools also allocate these spots less equally between boys and girls, leaving girls of color especially shortchanged. This means that girls of color receive far fewer spots on teams than white girls, white boys and boys of color. The report shows how this lack of access to school sports has long-term consequences for girls’ health, academic success and economic security.
It breaks those numbers down further, showing that females at heavily minority schools have:
- Only 39 percent of the opportunities to play sports as girls at heavily white schools
- Only 67 percent of the opportunities to play sports as boys at heavily minority schools
- Only 32 percent of the opportunities to play sports as boys at heavily white schools
Get the full report and commentary here.
Replicating Inequality and Segregation through Test Scores: What the Opt-Out and Opt-In Movements Fail to Recognize
Initial reports indicate that 150,000 students or so refused to take New York's state standardized test, as part of the growing op-out movement. This, of course, incensed the state department of education. First, compliance with No Child Left Behind requires that 95% of students take the test. Second, "Test refusal is a mistake because it eliminates important information about how our kids are doing. Those who call for opting out really want New York to opt out of information that can help parents and teachers understand how well their students are doing. We can't go back to ignoring the needs of our children," said Jonathan Burman, a state education department spokesman. But the response of Nicole Brisbane, state director at Democrats for Education Reform, was most telling: